From the Stapledon Reconstruction Project

Humanism and Superhumanism: A Deep Analysis

Olaf Stapledon's 1934 lecture, read against everything he wrote.
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Humanism and Superhumanism: A Deep Analysis

Olaf Stapledon’s lecture to the South Place Ethical Society, read against everything he wrote.

What this document is. An analytical essay by the reconstruction project’s editors — not a text by Stapledon. Quotations are taken from the manuscript’s verified consensus transcription (lectures/transcriptions_v2/consensus_v2/) and from his published works as held in corpus/; interpretive claims beyond the quoted evidence are the editors’ own and are hedged as such. Third edition, July 2026 (see the endnotes and the project ERRATA.md).


1. The document and its occasion

The manuscript is item 33 in the Stapledon archive (Liverpool University Library, catalogue reference OS/F11/4; the last sheet bears the circular library stamp with “STAP.” at its centre and “F11/4” added by hand): thirty-four sheets of pencil notes, with red-pencil staging annotations, prepared for a lecture titled “Humanism and Superhumanism.” The synopsis sheet carries the red annotation “South Place, 29·12·3[4]” — the South Place Ethical Society, London, by its own account the oldest surviving freethought community in the world (from 1929 housed at Conway Hall). The final digit of the year is ambiguous in the handwriting (the transcription models split between 34 and 36), but the archive tradition and the lecture’s content — Communism and Fascism discussed as live rival creeds, no mention of war — fit the mid-1930s; and the University of Liverpool’s own IIIF catalogue metadata for the digitized manuscript reads the year the same way, dating the item “D:29 M:12 Y:1934”. The lecture itself, however, was delivered the following day, Sunday 30 December 1934. Conway Hall’s catalogue record for the contemporary published abstract of the lecture — Monthly Record (the journal of the South Place Ethical Society), Vol. 40 No. 2, February 1935, pp. 3–4 — carries the note “Lecture to the Society, December 30th 1934”; and the calendar corroborates it: the 29th was a Saturday, the 30th a Sunday, and the South Place discourses were the Society’s famous Sunday lectures. The red 29·12·34 is Stapledon’s own inscription — presumably the date on which he dated or finished the notes, the day before he stood up with them.

The Monthly Record entry is the lecture’s newly identified contemporary witness — or rather, the pointer to one: Conway Hall’s catalogue record identifies a contemporary published abstract of the lecture (Monthly Record, Vol. 40 No. 2, February 1935, pp. 3–4), where the manuscript preserves only what he planned to say. The abstract itself has not yet been acquired; what we hold is the catalogue’s own four-sentence summary of it, which reads: “Humanism refers only to mankind, but superhumanism to forces greater than man. The superhumanistic outlook can have an inspirational effect. It possesses a religious character, though its object of worship may not necessarily be a deity. It is not to be identified with traditional religions, but it does have the same kind of intellectually and morally demanding outlook which traditional religion has shown.” (Conway Hall Ethical Society catalogue record, standard no. J140.22.) Even at this remove — a modern cataloguer’s summary of a contemporary abstract — it already suggests that the delivered lecture kept the notes’ load-bearing structure: superhumanism defined by orientation to “forces greater than man” rather than by doctrine (§2.1), and the religious character whose “object of worship may not necessarily be a deity” — the doctrine-free, practice-oriented worship the notes defend throughout. Confirmation must wait on the abstract itself, which is being requested from Conway Hall.

One negative finding now frames the whole question of witnesses. Robert Crossley’s Olaf Stapledon: Speaking for the Future (Syracuse University Press, 1994) — the standard scholarly biography, built on the family papers and the Liverpool archive, acquired from the owner’s page photographs and read in full for this project in August 2026 — never mentions this lecture, the title “Humanism and Superhumanism,” or any South Place engagement in December 1934; its index has no South Place entry at all (a negative established by targeted search of text, endnotes, bibliography and index — with the OCR-defective pages, including index p. 467, re-read from the raw photographs). Nor is the silence an artifact of compression, for the lecture falls into a demonstrable documentary gap in the biography’s own apparatus: between a letter to Aage Marcus of 22 November 1934 and a letter to Naomi Mitchison of 4 January 1935, Crossley cites nothing from Stapledon’s hand except the BBC broadcast to the country’s Unemployed Clubs (“he spoke over the BBC at 11 AM, 3 Dec. 1934” — four weeks before South Place; a “partially disintegrated recording” of it, rescued by the family from the BBC archives, “contains the only known transcription of Olaf’s voice,” Crossley notes). The biography does document the milieu the manuscript implies — South Place’s hall as a standing platform (“Anyone happening into Conway Hall in London’s Red Lion Square, where Olaf often spoke on politics or ethics or religion”), a second, previously unnoticed South Place lecture (“he and Agnes shared the platform at Conway Hall” on 7 April 1946, Agnes reading Shakespeare and Austen, “and Olaf followed with a lecture on ‘Personal Relations in the Family’”, printed in the Society’s Monthly Record that May — “The lecture was given 7 Apr.”), and even a family prehistory for the lecture’s subject: Stapledon’s father and Albert Crompton, the man behind his Blue Funnel appointment, “had known each other for nearly twenty years as members of the Positivist Church of Humanity in Liverpool” — organized humanism, in its Comtean form, as a household inheritance. But of the 30 December 1934 evening itself the standard life knows nothing. The manuscript, the Conway Hall catalogue record, and the pending Monthly Record abstract remain its only known witnesses, and — so far as we can determine — the present reconstruction is the lecture’s first scholarly treatment.

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 2145 · ¶ 866 · ¶ 1269 · ¶ 1300 · ¶ 2544 · ¶ 1640 — quoted passages in context
6. OS to Aage Marcus, 22 Nov. 1934 (SA); he spoke over the BBC at 11 AM, 3 Dec. 1934.
A partially disintegrated recording of this address, rescued by the Stapledon family from the BBC archives, contains the only known transcription of Olaf's voice. When Agnes once asked him what he thought about the importance of "nice" accents, he replied, "Certainly in the days when I used to live among people who always spoke so, namely at Oxford, I used to think anything else was at best flat and undistinguished and at worst very painful. But that was long ago. My own talk for instance is now very undistingushied, largely owing to the F.A.U. and W.E.A."[7]
In 1946 attention was more muted than in the heady days when the author of *Last and First Men* and *Odd John* was lionized in newspapers and on radio. His following was smaller now but perhaps more loyal than those who had been attracted by a flashy review in 1930. His new readers were likely to have discovered him by accident or in out-of-the-way places. The physicist Freeman Dyson picked up a tattered copy of *Star Maker* from a bookstall in Paddington Station, and it led him down the path to his pioneering research in artificial biospheres. C. S. Lewis sent his followers scurrying to secondhand shops when he announced in a preface to *That Hideous Strength* (1945) his debt to Stapledon's imagination (though not to his philosophy).[39] Anyone happening into Conway Hall in London's Red Lion Square, where Olaf often spoke on politics or ethics or religion—or on some typically Stapledonian combination of all three—heard a voice that still awakened minds. His platform manner, like his prose, was deliberate, unembellished, low-key, free from the histrionics that broadcasting had made popular in the various tones of Churchill, Joad, and Lord Haw Haw. Preferring a comradely air of participation, never invoking expertise or authority, he could enter gracefully and instructively into dialogue with the cleverest or the most naïve of listeners. He had the charisma that only speakers who shun affectations of style earn, and those drawn to Olaf in the postwar years felt, as Lilian Bowes-Lyon told him, that he was "speaking to today's people—& also to people on the precipice edge of today, who half belong to tomorrow already."[40]
But Olaf was getting restless. The previous year he and Agnes shared the platform at Conway Hall in London. Agnes read from Shakespeare's sonnets and Austen's *Northanger Abbey*, and Olaf followed with a lecture on "Personal Relations in the Family." He presented one of his typical paradoxes. Monogamy, he said, makes possible the fullest experience of love, but promiscuity adds breadth and vigor to sexual experience. Straining for sophistication, he pitched headlong into euphuism. "Perhaps the ideal is to sip a few flowers before marriage so as to have practice in the difficult art of love before attempting the masterpiece. It is also possible that the masterpiece itself would sometimes benefit from occasional side-line sketches after marriage. Such aberrations, such holidays from monogamy might in some cases revivify the marriage. But in other cases they might merely wreck it." He was careful not to claim such marital refreshment as a male prerogative; the sexes must be "on equal footing in this matter." Married women, imprisoned in their homes, were so unhealthily identified with their children that when they grow up and leave home, he said, "an important part of the mother's personality is destroyed." He proposed a national system of day-nurseries so that women would no longer be "stranded without any valuable external interests."[11]
11. OS, "Personal Relations in the Family," *Monthly Record of the South Place Ethical Society* 51 (May 1946), 10-11. The lecture was given 7 Apr.
79. The early records of the Holt company were destroyed in the Liverpool blitz of 1941. When Crompton died in Paris in 1908, OS was at Oxford and wrote in his diary: "It would appear to be he that did most to get Father into the OSSCo at L'pool" (OS, diary, 30 Sept. 1908 [SA]). Crompton and WS had known each other for nearly twenty years as members of the Positivist Church of Humanity in Liverpool.

The audience matters enormously. South Place was the cathedral of English secular humanism. Stapledon walked into the home crowd of organized Humanism and told them, gently but firmly, that humanism is not enough. The whole rhetorical architecture of the notes — stating the humanist’s case “as strongly as possible” before answering it — is calibrated, it would seem, to that room; a reading corroborated when he brought the same architecture back to the same society in 1946 (§3.8). The biography adds the speaker’s own platform history, and it frames the evening from both ends. His original platform was dialogic: in his earliest WEA seasons (1911–12) what he prized was not the lecture but the argument after it — “It is the subsequent discussion that is so fascinating. I can’t tell you how weighty their remarks are (nor how idiotic at times),” he reported of an early talk, on (of all subjects) Carlyle’s “Hero Worship,” to “forty-two Birkenhead workers.” And by December 1934 that platform life had already split in two: after Last and First Men’s success he found himself “addressing conservative audiences who wouldn’t have dreamed of inviting a socialist WEA tutor,” and he “reduced his WEA classes to one per term to make room for other paid talks and to give himself time to write.” The South Place evening belongs to the new ecology — the famous author’s engagement at a metropolitan society, not the tutor’s class — but the notes’ patient stating-of-the-opponent’s-case-first is the old classroom manner carried onto the new platform. And the room itself can now be described in the movement’s own voice, for Gustav Spiller’s The Ethical Movement in Great Britain — the organized movement’s documentary history of itself, printed in the lecture’s own year (now held; §4 gives its account of the movement’s internal war) — shows South Place as the one boom spot of a shrinking movement (of “some 74 Ethical Societies” ever started, “At present there are 10 Ethical centres in existence”): a society reporting “nearly 600 in all” in the Conway Hall it had opened in 1929, where “the new home of the Society hums with activity”; hymn-singing, but the congregation asked to “refrain from applause on Sunday mornings”; its discussion circle run “under the joint auspices of the Rationalist Press Association and the Society.” The platform had kept no minister since Conway’s second term ended in 1897: by 1934 it was worked by four rotating “official lecturers” — Delisle Burns, Hobson, Ratcliffe, Robertson — while “nonofficial lecturers occupy the platform at frequent intervals,” the slot the visiting author filled; and its anniversary series had seated Russell (1922), Haldane (1928) and Julian Huxley (1930) on the lecture’s own themes in the preceding decade.

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 466 · ¶ 465 · ¶ 822 — quoted passages in context
I did, their applause must have been sincere. It is the subsequent discussion that is so fascinating. I can’t tell you how weighty their remarks are (nor how idiotic at times). Most of them have suffered enough misery (of one sort & another) to make the ordinary person like me a permanent blackguard. Yet mostly they are splendid, misguided men.”[39]
The strike jolted Olaf into comparing his relatively trivial problems over work with those of the carters in Birkenhead and the tram drivers in Liverpool. His head was in the clouds and his eyes on the stars, “all the while down below the very insides of the earth are rumbling as if to erupt.”[38] Looking for something to do in solidarity with those who had struck, he sought out the Workers’ Educational Association, just getting established on Merseyside. In October he started attending weekly meetings. By year’s end he was giving occasional talks to large groups and running a weekly WEA tutorial class in modern history. In tones of *noblesse oblige* it took him several years to eradicate from his habits of speech, he told Agnes of a talk on Carlyle’s “Hero Worship” he gave to forty-two Birkenhead workers: “If they enjoyed it as much
Back on Merseyside, Olaf's national attention brought new speaking engagements outside the adult-education circles that had been his bread and butter as a lecturer. He found himself addressing conservative audiences who wouldn't have dreamed of inviting a socialist WEA tutor but were glad to have a speech by a well-known local writer. The marriage of lecturer and listeners was not always happy. Speaking on "Selfishness—Its True Place in Business" at a Liverpool Rotary Club luncheon, he deplored competition as the symptom of an archaic individualism and left his audience baffled by what one Rotarian lamented as "an abstruse ethical subject" not well-suited to a hotel meal.[37] Before long, Olaf resigned from the Philosophy Seminar at the university and reduced his WEA classes to one per term to make room for other paid talks and to give himself time to write. The sales of *Last and First Men* were good enough to tempt him to the thought that he might be able to replace at least some of his teaching income with royalties from popular writing. At Methuen, E. V. Rieu was already asking for a sequel.
Spiller, Ethical Movement (1934) ↗ · ¶ 2581 · ¶ 564 · ¶ 563–564 · ¶ 557 · ¶ 566 · ¶ 512 · ¶ 526 — quoted passages in context
Thus, according to the Annual Reports of the Union, altogether some 74 Ethical Societies have been started, to the Union’s knowledge, in Great Britain, the earliest of a definite type being the London Ethical Society, founded in 1886. Of these 74 Societies, no less than 46 passed through the Union, the smallest number of federated Societies at any time being 4 (at the Union’s inception) and the largest, 26 (in 1905/6). At present there are 10 Ethical centres in existence — the ^uth Place Ethical Society, the Ethical Church, the South London Ethical Society, the Hampstead Ethical Institute, Wimbledon Ethical Society, the Women’s Group, the Forest Group, the Young People’s Group, the University College (London) Ethical Union, and the Manchester University Ethical Society. The more vigorous newcomers began and continued to multiply from 1901 to 1909. After that date, the number of groups diminished and during and, especially, after the War most of them succumbed to the adverse social conditions prevailing universally.
activity. From October to April there is hardly an evening without some intellectual or social function. It is only necessary to mention the new activities which have y)rung into being since Conway Hall was opened, to realise the re-vivifying effect of a building possessing beauty of architecture and utility of design. The Joint Conway Discussion Circle, The Study Circle, The Poetry Reading Circle, ^e Sunday Afternoon ‘ At Homes ’, the Country Dance Class, all these attract members, new and old, and the other activities have acquired fresh life. The influx of new members and associates, chronicled in last year’s Report, continues, and we now number nearly 600 in all. As will be seen from the financial paragraph on a later page, the Treasurer’s accounts arc the most satisfactory for many years. The lettings have exceeded any estimate made when the probable income for Conway Hall was considered.”
“ The Committee are pleased to report that the first full financial year at Conway Hall has more than justified the most optimistic expectations. The vision of those who agitated and worked, more than twenty years ago, for rebuilding, has materialised, and the new home of the Society hums with
activity. From October to April there is hardly an evening without some intellectual or social function. It is only necessary to mention the new activities which have y)rung into being since Conway Hall was opened, to realise the re-vivifying effect of a building possessing beauty of architecture and utility of design. The Joint Conway Discussion Circle, The Study Circle, The Poetry Reading Circle, ^e Sunday Afternoon ‘ At Homes ’, the Country Dance Class, all these attract members, new and old, and the other activities have acquired fresh life. The influx of new members and associates, chronicled in last year’s Report, continues, and we now number nearly 600 in all. As will be seen from the financial paragraph on a later page, the Treasurer’s accounts arc the most satisfactory for many years. The lettings have exceeded any estimate made when the probable income for Conway Hall was considered.”
“ At the Annual Meeting last year Mr. Delislc Burns [who joined the staff of South Place lecturers in 1918/19] expressed the opinion that if the Society is to attract new members, ‘ we have to experiment : experiment in the form of service; experiment in new methods; experiment in the social side of the Society. We have to modify our customs and traditions so that we may take a live institution into new surroundings.* Acting in the spirit of these suggestions, the Committee has made a number of experiments during the year under review. After careful consideration it was decided that, in view of the special interest taken by Mr. Delislc Burns in the Society’s work and the general appreciation of his discourses, arrangements should be made, subject to approval by the next Annual Meeting, for him to deliver at least 25 discourses during 1925. Experiments have also been made with regard to the music at the Sunday morning services by the occasional substitution of instrumental music for the hymns and anthems. Efforts have been made to improve the congregational singing by holding a practice at the close of the service. Arising out of the changes made, the Committee have thought it desirable to ask the congregation to refrain from applause on Sunday mornings.”
‘‘ The attendance at the Sunday morning services is maintained, and efforts are now being made to advertise them more widely. . . . The twenty-first Conway Memorial Lecture, delivered by Mr. Julian Huxley on October i, entitled ‘ Science, Religion and Human Nature ’, was certainly the most popular of the series. . . . On Sunday, September 28, a large gathering of members and friends of the Ethical Movement met at the Annual Soiree, when Prof. Graham Wallas spoke on ‘ Science and Ethics ’. The Sunday Concert Committee are to be congratulated on the successful completion of their 45th season. The artists give of their best and the crowded audiences arc attentive and enthusiastic. . . . Twenty-seven concerts were given, bringing the total to i,iio. The Conway Discussion Circle, arranged under the joint auspices of the Rationalist Press Association and the Society, has for the second year provided a most interesting series of discussions. . . . One of the most healthy signs of renewed vigour in the Society is the formation and rapid growth of the Study Circle. . . . The average attendance numbers over twenty.
Dissatisfied with the discontinuity in the lectures, the Committee arranged in 1899 with Mr. Herbert Burrows, Mr. J. A. Hobson, and Mr. John M. Robertson that they should confer among themselves and with the Committee upon the course of thought to be presented, and the subject and mode of treatment of the lectures, these three lecturers to occupy the greater number of the available Sundays. In 1901, the experiment started with a course of lectures on ‘‘ The Nineteenth Century ”. The scheme, in this form, was, however, found difficult to realise. Accordingly, from 1903/04, the speakers referred to simply took the place of a minister, speaking on any subject that appeared to them appropriate. With slight variants this scheme has been adhered to ever since, the present official lecturers being Dr. C. Delisle Burns, Mr. John A. Hobson, Mr. S. K. Ratcliffe, and Mr. John M. Robertson. But, as before, nonofficial lecturers occupy the platform at frequent intervals.
1922. — Hon. Bertrand Russell, Frecthought and Official Propaganda.

The synopsis sheet also records two titles with page numbers: “The Tyger” (p. 275) and “Ozymandias” (p. 214) — evidently planned readings, from some anthology (the sheet gives only titles and page numbers; their intended stations in the delivery are unrecorded). What he meant them to do in the room can only be guessed, but the natural guess is that each leans against a complacency the lecture opposes. The Tyger is the Mysterium Tremendum — Rudolf Otto’s name for the dreadful, beautiful, nonhuman Other (“Did he who made the Lamb make thee?”), the “one appropriate expression” he found for the object of religious awe — against the humanist’s “nothing more than man.” Ozymandias is the vanity of purely human glory — the colossal wreck of the man-centered view, boundless and bare — against man-worship itself.

Blake, “The Tyger” (1794) ↗ · stanza 6 — quoted passage in context
When the stars threw down their spears And water'd heaven with their tears: Did he smile his work to see? Did he who made the Lamb make thee?
Otto, The Idea of the Holy (1923) ↗ · ¶ 91 — quoted passage in context
Let us consider the deepest and most fundamental element in all strong and sincerely felt religious emotion. Faith unto Salvation, Trust, Love-all these are there. But over and above these is an element which may also on occasion, quite apart from them, profoundly affect us and occupy the mind with a wellnigh bewildering strength. Let us follow it up with every effort of sympathy and imaginative intuition wherever it is to be found, in the lives of those around us in sudden, strong ebullitions of personal piety and the frames of mind such ebullitions evince, in the fixed and ordered solemnities of rites and liturgies, and again in the atmosphere that clings to old religious monuments and buildings, to temples and to churches. If we do so we shall find we are dealing with something for which there is only one appropriate expression, *mysterium tremendum*. The feeling of it may at times come sweeping like a gentle tide, pervading the mind with a tranquil mood of deepest worship. It may pass over into a more set and lasting attitude of the soul, continuing, as it were, thrillingly vibrant and resonant, until at last it dies away and the soul resumes its ‘profane’, non-religious mood of everyday experience. It may burst in sudden eruption up from the depths of the soul with spasms and convulsions, or lead to the strangest excitements, to intoxicated frenzy, to transport, and to ecstasy. It has its wild and demonic forms and can sink to an almost grisly horror and shuddering. It has its crude barbaric antecedents and early manifestations, and again it may be developed into something beautiful and pure and glorious. It may become the hushed, trembling, and speechless humility of the creature in the presence of—whom or what? In the presence of that which is a *Mystery* inexpressible and above all creatures.
Shelley, “Ozymandias” (1818) ↗ · stanza 2 — quoted passage in context
I met a traveller from an antique land Who said: Two vast and trunkless legs of stone Stand in the desert. Near them, on the sand, Half sunk, a shattered visage lies, whose frown, And wrinkled lip, and sneer of cold command, Tell that its sculptor well those passions read Which yet survive, stamped on these lifeless things, The hand that mocked them and the heart that fed: And on the pedestal these words appear: "My name is Ozymandias, king of kings: Look on my works, ye Mighty, and despair!" Nothing beside remains. Round the decay Of that colossal wreck, boundless and bare The lone and level sands stretch far away.

The notes are speaking notes, not an essay: heavily abbreviated (he writes “θ” or “ð” for “the,” “∴” for “therefore,” “∵” for “because,” “&”), indented into an outline hierarchy that encodes the subordination of ideas, underlined once for emphasis and twice for heavy vocal stress, with red pencil for the cover’s staging (the item number and title, the venue and date) and a later graphite pass for working marginalia and delivery cues (the boxed “Dwell on this”). Several sheets are section dividers with a single line — sheets he could see at a glance mid-performance. The manuscript, in other words, preserves the choreography of the lecture, not just its content. This is why a transcription that preserves indentation, underlining, and marginalia matters: the formatting is meaning.

2. The argument, movement by movement

The synopsis gives his own map: Definitions (p. 1) → What Humanism involves: lowbrow (3), highbrow (6) → Defence against Superhumanism (13) → Superhumanism (17).

2.1 Definitions (sheets 2–3)

Primary source: the notes for this movement (sheets 2–3) — diplomatic transcription; every sheet links to its scan — sheets: 2 · 3
Sheet 2 scan ↗
1
Humanism & Superhumanism
Definitions
My claim to speak: dissatisfaction with both
Humanism
Concise Oxford Dictionary: “Devotion to human interests;
system concerned with human(not divine) interests,
or with ð human race (not the individual)”
Let us say; An attitude of mind, a policy, a way of living, —
according to which —
“the proper study of mankind is man”, —
& ð proper object of all devotion is man.
1. nothing less than man is worthy of devotion;
or worshipful2. nothing more than man is knowable by men.
∴ all service, all loyalty, all praise & worship —
is due to ð awakening spirit of man
Service of Humanity should be —
ð dominant motive of ð individual's life
& ð dominant principle of politics
service of Humanity consists in —
helping to fulfil ð capacities of men
their vital & mental capacities,
helping others to be as human as possible,
to realise in themselves —
ð ideal form of human nature
helping to make a society favourable to —
ð fulfilment of human nature
Sheet 3 scan ↗
2
Superhumanism defined
Let us call it: an attitude of mind, a way of living, a policy, -
according to which -
humanism is not enough
though ð positive side of humanism is sound, -
and essential, -
the denial of ð superhuman is an error
starting point of superhumanism:
either - a feeling ðt man is not enough
yearning(a vague dissatisfaction)
or -    some positive experience of -
worship of a nonhuman Other
which may be conceived as -
gods, Fate, God, Nature,
a Principle of Order, ð Whole etc.
doctrinal elaboration not essential to Superhumanism
but almost inevitable
∵ ð Object of devotion is excessively obscure
(from ð intellectual point of view,
even if vivid in experience)
superhumanism issues in practice ⊙
⊙ either asis not merely a passive recognition of “God”, -
Worshipbut a regulative principle,
or as“making a difference to life, to conduct”
a regulative(eg Christian doctrine of salvation)
principle in
all conduct

He opens with a disarming confession: “My claim to speak: dissatisfaction with both.” He is neither a contented humanist nor a confident religionist — a positioning he maintained his whole life, as much at odds with orthodox Christianity as with settled atheism.

Humanism he defines from the Concise Oxford Dictionary, then sharpens into two claims:

  1. nothing less than man is worthy of devotion;
  2. nothing more than man is knowable by men.

Therefore all service, loyalty, praise and worship are due to “the awakening spirit of man.” (Beside the definition he pencils, diagonally, a rejected alternative wording — “or worshipful” — then strikes it out: even at the level of word-choice we can watch him tuning the definition.) Service of humanity means helping to fulfil the capacities of men — a formula lifted directly from his own philosophical system (see §3.2).

Superhumanism — his term (possibly his coinage; no earlier use is known to us, but priority is not established — and the word never occurs anywhere in Crossley’s standard biography, read in full for this project, which records no coinage or usage evidence either way) — is not theism. It is the attitude that humanism is not enough: the positive side of humanism is “sound and essential,” but “the denial of the Superhuman is an error.” Its starting point is either a feeling that man is not enough (“a vague dissatisfaction”; the margin adds, diagonally, “yearning”) or “some positive experience of worship of a nonhuman Other,” which may be conceived as “gods, Fate, God, Nature, a Principle of Order, the Whole etc.” Crucially: doctrinal elaboration is not essential to superhumanism — though “almost inevitable, because the Object of devotion is excessively obscure (from an intellectual point of view, even if vivid in experience).” And superhumanism must issue in practice: “not merely a passive recognition of ‘God’” but “a regulative principle, ‘making a difference to life, to conduct.’”

This definition is the lecture’s load-bearing wall. Everything he defends later is this minimal, doctrine-free, practice-oriented worship — and everything he concedes to the humanist critic is aimed at doctrinal religion, which he is happy to sacrifice.

2.2 Lowbrow humanism (sheets 4–6)

Primary source: the notes for this movement (sheets 4–6) — diplomatic transcription; every sheet links to its scan — sheets: 4 · 5 · 6
Sheet 4 scan ↗
3  7
What Humanism really involves
θ form θ Humanism takes depends on —
θ particular Humanist’s mental type
distinguish low-brow & high-brow humanism
simple   - sophisticated     "
primitive - mature             "
Naive
low-brow humanism (is it Humanism at all?)
starts with sense of obligation toward fellow men
its goal: to fulfil θ actual felt needs & capacities
as they arise
to take men at their face-value
or as they seem to themselves
& give them a happy life
identical with Utilitarianism
greatest happiness of θ greatest number
(where happiness = pleasant hours)
& since θ “greatest number” are average, simple folk, —
stress is laid on average simple needs:
safety, food, comfort, free movement
& “amusements”
no impulsion toward “difficult living”
no suggestion ð men should strive —
to rise above their actual
to realise a finer potentiality
pushpin is as good as poetry —
if it feels as good
Sheet 5 scan ↗
4-8
To ð naive low-brow Humanist ð highbrow Humanist seems—
to suffer from a delusion.
his cultural ideal is superfluous
∵ practical fulfilment gives as much pleasure
& his delusion is due to—
his divorce from actual ff life:
∵ he has lost touch with ð concrete—.
∴ he craves the sophisticated
ð case of Communism (generally naive humanism)
proletarian communists—
are mostly naive low-brow humanists
ie their goal is ð fulfilment of simple needs
cultural needs are incidental
& sophisticated needs are suspect
× ðs attitude natural to the wage-slave (toiler)
who has unfulfilled material needs
& no apprehension of ð more subtle needs,
communist intelligentsia
tend to high brow humanism
but shame-facedly
communist theory
seems to allow two stages
(a) Dictatorship of ð Proletariat
urgency of reorganization
for fulfilling primitive need
(b) Triumphant Communism
opens up new capacities
∴ full humanism
(subject to popular sanction)
Sheet 6 scan ↗
59
Note:
Intuitive basis of naive low-brow humanism is —
sense of obligation toward others
this is simply felt
& felt as obligation — “I ought”
not derivable from self-regard
i.e. Utilitarianism not derived from individualism
but from social impulses
intuitive “oneness” with others
[Similarly: ð values of individualism itself are intuitive
eg. preferring ð greater future pleasure —
to the lesser present pleasure.
& preferring ð enduring personality —
to passing impulse
eg. ð goal of personal dominance]

The form humanism takes “depends on the particular Humanist’s mental type.” Lowbrow (he later softens it, in a paler turquoise pencil, to “naive”) humanism starts from the felt sense of obligation toward fellow men and aims to fulfil men’s actual felt needs — “to take men at their face-value… and give them a happy life.” He identifies it with Utilitarianism: the greatest happiness of the greatest number, where happiness means pleasant hours; and since the greatest number are average folk, stress falls on “safety, food, comfort, free movement & amusements.” Its failure: “no impulsion toward difficult living” — no suggestion that men should rise above their actual selves to “realise a finer potentiality.” He invokes Bentham’s notorious dictum: “push-pin is as good as poetry — if it feels as good.”

The dictum’s pedigree, with both of its texts now held, is worth a moment’s precision. Bentham’s actual sentences, in The Rationale of Reward (1825), are: “Prejudice apart, the game of push-pin is of equal value with the arts and sciences of music and poetry. If the game of push-pin furnish more pleasure, it is more valuable than either.” The quotable aphorism — “quantity of pleasure being equal, push-pin is as good as poetry” — is Mill’s paraphrase, from his 1838 essay “Bentham” (“He says somewhere in his works that…”). Stapledon’s version splices the two: Mill’s cadence, with Bentham’s proviso compressed into “if it feels as good” — the shape one would expect of a tag absorbed through Mill’s essay rather than from the treatise. Is the use fair? To the doctrine, yes — the hedonic equivalence is exactly what Bentham asserts, and “prejudice apart” even anticipates the lecture’s “if it feels as good.” To the man, only half: Bentham’s grounds continue past the equivalence into an egalitarian point the notes independently reproduce (“Everybody can play at push-pin: poetry and music are relished only by a few” — the sheets’ “the greatest number are average folk”), and then into a charge the lecture has no use for, that “between poetry and truth there is a natural opposition… the poet always stands in need of something false.” Mill’s own gloss is that the sentence was “only a paradoxical way of saying what he would equally have said of the things he most valued and admired.” More telling than the tag itself: the classic statement of this movement’s whole indictment — “no impulsion toward difficult living” — is Mill’s 1838 verdict on Bentham, almost clause for clause. “Man is never recognised by him as a being capable of pursuing spiritual perfection as an end, of desiring for its own sake the conformity of his own character to his standard of excellence”; self-education, “the human being’s training of himself, of his affections and will,” is “a blank in Bentham’s system.” Stapledon’s lowbrow/highbrow architecture walks in that essay’s footsteps — whether at first or second hand the notes cannot show.

Bentham, Rationale of Reward (1825) ↗ · ¶ 738 — quoted passage in context
The utility of all these arts and sciences,—I speak both of those of amusement and curiosity,—the value which they possess, is exactly in proportion to the pleasure they yield. Every other species of pre-eminence which may be attempted to be established among them is altogether fanciful. Prejudice apart, the game of push-pin is of equal value with the arts and sciences of music and poetry. If the game of push-pin furnish more pleasure, it is more valuable than either. Everybody can play at push-pin: poetry and music are relished only by a few. The game of push-pin is always innocent: it were well could the same be always asserted of poetry. Indeed, between poetry and truth there is a natural opposition: false morals, fictitious nature: the poet always stands in need of something false. When he pretends to lay his foundations in truth, the ornaments of his superstructure are fictions; his business consists in stimulating our passions, and exciting our prejudices. Truth, exactitude of every kind, is fatal to poetry. The poet must see everything through coloured media, and strive to make every one else to do the same. It is true, there have been noble spirits, to whom poetry and philosophy have been equally indebted, but these exceptions do not remove the mischiefs which have resulted from this magic art. If poetry and music deserve to be preferred before a game of push-pin, it must be because they are calculated to gratify those individuals who are most difficult to be pleased.
Mill, “Bentham” (1838) ↗ · ¶ 77 · ¶ 32 · ¶ 39 — quoted passages in context
[…] poetry. Much more has been said than there is any basis for about his contempt for the pleasures of imagination, and for the fine arts. Music was throughout life his favourite amusement; as for painting, sculpture, and the other arts addressed to the eye, he was so far from holding them in contempt that he occasionally recognises them as means to important social ends; though his ignorance of the deeper springs of human character prevented him (as it prevents most Englishmen) from suspecting how profoundly such things enter into the moral nature of man and into the education of the individual and of the race. But his attitude towards ‘poetry’ in the narrower sense, that which employs the language of words, was entirely unfavourable. Words, he thought, were perverted from their proper role when they were used in uttering anything but precise logical truth. He says somewhere in his works that ‘quantity of pleasure being equal, push-pin is as good as poetry’: but this is only a paradoxical way of saying what he would equally have said of the things he most valued and admired. Another aphorism attributed to him is much more characteristic of his view of this subject: ‘All poetry is misrepresentation.’ Poetry, he thought, consists essentially in exaggeration for effect, in proclaiming one view of a thing very emphatically and suppressing all the limitations and qualifications. This trait of character seems to me a curious example of what Mr. Carlyle strikingly calls ‘the completeness of limited men’. Here is a philosopher who is happy within his narrow boundary as no man of indefinite range ever was; who flatters himself that he is so completely emancipated from the essential law of poor human intellect, by which it can only see one thing at a time well, that he can even turn round on the imperfection and solemnly condemn it. Did Bentham really suppose that it is only in poetry that propositions cannot be exactly true, cannot contain in themselves all the limitations […]
The first question regarding any man of speculation is: what is his theory of human life? In the minds of many philosophers, any theory they have of this sort is submerged, and it would be a revelation to them to have it pointed out in their writings as others can see it, unconsciously moulding everything to its own likeness. But Bentham always knew his own premises, and made his reader know them; he did not leave to conjecture the theoretical grounds of his practical conclusions. Few great thinkers have provided the means of assigning with so much certainty their exact conception of man and of man’s life. Man is conceived by Bentham as a being susceptible of pleasures and pains, and governed in all his conduct partly •by the different varieties of self-interest and the passions commonly classed as ‘selfish’, partly •by sympathies (or occasionally antipathies) towards other beings. And here Bentham’s conception of human nature stops. He does not exclude religion: the prospect of divine rewards and punishments he includes under the head of ‘self-regarding interest’, and the devotional feeling under that of sympathy with God. But the whole of the impelling or restraining principles that he recognises—whether of this or of another world—are either self-love, or love or hatred towards other sentient beings. There can be no doubt about what he thought on this subject: he has drawn out a ‘Table of the Springs of Action’, an explicit listing and classification of human motives, with their various names, laudatory, vituperative, and neutral. I recommend this table to the study of those who want to understand his philosophy. Man is never recognised by him as a being capable of pursuing spiritual perfection as an end, of desiring for its own sake the conformity of his own character to his standard of excellence, without hope of good or fear of evil from any source but his own inward consciousness. Even in the more limited form of conscience, this great fact in human nature escapes him. Nothing is more curious than the absence of recognition in any of Bentham’s writings of the existence of conscience as something distinct from •philanthropy, from •affection for God or man, and from •self-interest in this world or in the next. He carefully abstains from any of the phrases that others use to acknowledge such a fact.1
[…] much in political and social philosophy; what it will do for the individual, and what for society. All it will do for the conduct of the individual is to prescribe some of the more obvious dictates of worldly prudence, and outward probity and beneficence. I need not go on about the deficiencies of a system of ethics that •does not offer to aid individuals in the formation of their own character; that •recognises no such wish (perhaps even no such power) as that of self-culture as existing in human nature; and if it did recognise that great duty, •could provide little help in performing it because it overlooks the existence of about half the mental feelings that human beings are capable of, including all those of which the direct objects are states of their own mind. Morality consists of two parts. One of these is selfeducation—the human being’s training of himself, of his affections and will. That department is a blank in Bentham’s system. The other and co-equal part, the regulation of his outward actions, must be halting and imperfect without the first; for how can we judge how many an action will affect even the worldly interests of ourselves or others, unless we include in the question its influence on the regulation of our affections and desires or of theirs? A moralist on Bentham’s principles may get as far as this, that he ought not to slay, burn, or steal; but what will qualify him to regulate the finer shades of human behaviour, or to lay down even the broad strokes of morality relating to the facts in human life that are liable to influence the depths of character independently of any influence on worldly circumstances—such, for instance, as sexual relations, or family relations in general, or any other social and sympathetic connections of an intimate kind? The moralities of these questions depend essentially on considerations […]

The case of Communism gets careful, notably even-handed treatment for 1934: proletarian communists are mostly naive humanists (their goal, the fulfilment of simple needs — an attitude “natural to the wage-slave” with unfulfilled material needs); the communist intelligentsia “tend to highbrow humanism, but shame-facedly”; and communist theory itself “seems to allow” two stages — dictatorship for reorganization, then a “Triumphant Communism” that “opens up new capacities, therefore full humanism.” He takes Marxism seriously as a rival creed — in the notes’ own taxonomy, a naive humanism with a built-in path to full humanism.

An important note (sheet 6) grounds the whole edifice: the sense of obligation toward others is intuitive — “simply felt, and felt as obligation — ‘I ought’” — not derivable from self-regard. Values bottom out in intuition. This is the ethics of A Modern Theory of Ethics compressed to three lines, and it sets up a crucial symmetry: if the humanist’s values rest on unprovable intuition, the superhumanist’s worship-intuition cannot be dismissed merely for being unprovable. (It is also a position Bentham had mocked by name — the man who “has something made on purpose to tell him what is right and what is wrong, calling it his ‘moral sense’,” and then goes “to work comfortably”; Mill’s essay reprints the whole tirade. Sheet 6 stakes the lecture on the move Bentham thought self-evidently vacuous, and stakes it with open eyes: the sanction is “simply felt,” and no more is claimed for it.)

Mill, “Bentham” (1838) ↗ · ¶ 19 — quoted passage in context
It is interesting to see the variety of inventions men have come up with, and the variety of phrases they have presented, in order to conceal from the world (and if possible from themselves) this very general and therefore very pardonable self-sufficiency. One man says that he has something made on purpose to tell him what is right and what is wrong, calling it his ‘moral sense’; and then he goes to work comfortably, saying that x is right and y is wrong ‘because my moral sense tells me so’. Another man replaces ‘moral’ by ‘common’, and tells you that his ‘common sense’ teaches him what is right and wrong, as surely as the other’s moral sense did. By ‘common sense’ he means a sense of some kind or other, which he says everyone has—and the sense of those whose sense is not the same as his is disregarded as not worth attending to. This device does better than the other: a moral sense is a new thing, and a man may search within himself for a long time without being able to find it; whereas common sense is as old as the creation, and any man would be ashamed to be thought to have less of it than his neighbours. . . . Another man says that he can’t find that he has any such thing as a moral sense, but that he has an understanding, which will do quite as well. This understanding, he says, is the standard of right and wrong; it tells him so and so. All good and wise men understand as he does; if other men’s understandings differ in any point from his, so much the worse for them; it is a sure sign that their understandings are either defective or corrupt. Another man says that there is an eternal and immutable rule of right; that this rule of right dictates so and so; and then he begins giving you his opinions on anything that comes uppermost; and these opinions (you are to take for granted) are so many branches of the eternal rule of right.

2.3 Highbrow humanism (sheets 7–11)

Primary source: the notes for this movement (sheets 7–11) — diplomatic transcription; every sheet links to its scan — sheets: 7 · 8 · 9 · 10 · 11
Sheet 7 scan ↗
6 10
Highbrow Humanism
accepts ð high low-brow kind as a sine qua non
but goes further
ð goal — fulfilling of human capacity
including (a) needs actually felt
and: (b) dormant capacities
for more difficult living more human "
i.e. recognition of a precious potentiality in man
something in him is better than something else
pleasures are not all of equal worth
contrast of man and animal reveals—
ð essentially human in man
+ possibility of further growth
i.e. ð goal = development of full humanity
in human individuals
development of human persons toward—
more complete personality
⊙
each
involves
the other
= development of conscious activity
[Dwell on this] i.e. of knowing, feeling, striving ⊙
relation of
cognition & conation
"knowing" = to be aware of, to cognise, to apprehend,—
objects of every kind
as truly as possible
as comprehensively as possible
as dispassionately as possible
"objects" includes
objects of perception, + of understanding
+ of introspection
+ of understanding
Sheet 8 scan ↗
7 μ
thus knowable "object" includes also ð sensible world
ð world of scientific concepts
+ metaphysical principles
×ð world of human personalities
.(in all their diversity)
ð world of social enterprise
×ð objects of art
×ð objects of religious consciousness
feeling and striving have a corresponding development
namely: emotional reactions to become —
appropriateness
is intuitive →
more appropriate to objects
more discriminate
more graded & varied
striving: to subordinate ð lesser to ð major ends
in actual conduct
Advance =
finer adjustment
to reality
→
emancipation from ð obsession of —
ð familiar, easy, primitive impulse
for ð sake of ð new, more difficult,—
+ more developed
Such is ð goal of Humanism at its best
call it ð development of distinctively human capacity
call it ð development of sensibility (external & internal)
intelligence (practical + theoretical)
imagination
ð Sanction or basis basis or justification of this aim —
is intuitive, — feeling it to be right
vision of ð worthwhileness of these activities
they need no demonstration
are not derived from something more basic
i.e.same sanction as low brow humanism
& individualism
Sheet 9 scan ↗
8 ½
ð starving man craves food as a great good
(it is his nature to eat
& his nature is unfulfilled)
& but he may not have ð strength or resolution—
to go in search of food
ð mentally starving man sees ð Humanistic Goal as good
if he has it in him to apprehend it
but he may lack strength or resolution
or be side tracked by easier goods
Questions raised by ð Humanistic Ideal (thus stated)
Aristocracy or Democracy?
should ð aim be
all to some extent1, to give all men equal opportunity for fulfilmentˎ
even if this involves low personal attainment
a few extremelyor 2. to secure ð highest possible attainment for a few
even if this involves slavery for most ?
i.e is ð goal finally ð fulfilling of all particular individuals
or is it ð achievement of a form of mind
by means of individuals ?
ð practical question
“in” premachine age— impossible to afford fulness to all
but machinery, mechanization—
might enable all to attain fulness
each up to ð limit of his capacity,
a well-ordered mechanized world—
should make ð best possible of everyman
i.e. up to capacity
Sheet 10 scan ↗
9.13
but though mechanization solves θ practical dilemma
(i e makes human fulfilment possible to all)
yet θ theoretical dilemma remains:
Is Meanis the ideally awakened world —
an endgood because it is implied in actual humanbeings?
or a means?or is it good in itself, absolutely?
↘& are individuals instrumental?
Consider some hypothetical examples
1. a world of mediocre beings
exercising their mediocre powers fully
2. a world of many abject slaves & a few splendidly fulfilled
(i e attaining high degree of humanity)
3. a brotherhood of equal supermen
4. a world of many subordinates, but fulfilling their powers,
& a few supermen attaining humanity
consideration of these brings out an important fact
1. θ mediocre world — we condemn it as a failure
2. θ aristocratic-slave-world — we condemn as
violating human brotherhood unity, &
θ sense of obligation to others
3. θ brotherhood of supermen — impossible
∵ capacities vary in rank
4. a world of hierarchical free exercise of powers
does not violate social obligation
yet does justice to θ ideal
Sheet 11 scan ↗
10  14
[stitching holes — damage, not writing]
Upshot of this discussion of Humanism
for ð
thorough-going
humanist
∧
1. satisfaction of felt need is not enough
(ð mediocre world is condemned)
2. but perfection of ð few at ð expense of ð many —
is equally condemned
∴ (a) it violates love, & justice
(b) ð few cannot accept it & be perfect
3. yet finally we judge in relation to ð humanistic ideal
approximation toward ð ideal form of Man
×4. and for ourselves, each as an individual —
we recognize ðt when we are most vital —
(i.e at our most human
" awakened, spiritually)
×we are ready to be sacrificed —
for ð humanistic ideal
i.e. if by being sacrificed I could contribute
then I ought to be sacrificed
⊙
and so ought all men
⊙I ought willingly to sacrifice myself
Yet:equally — (of course)
none may sacrificeif I could contribute to happiness of others
another
against his willI ought to be sacrificed
×But:
I accept this out of comradeship
I accept ð other out of devotion,
further:
meaningless for all to “die” for one another
but: all might have to “die” for ð Ideal
(out of human unity)

Highbrow humanism accepts the lowbrow kind “as a sine qua non, but goes further.” Its goal is the fulfilling of human capacity — both felt needs and dormant capacities “for more difficult living.” It recognizes “a precious potentiality in man”: pleasures are not all of equal worth. The goal is the development of persons toward “more complete personality” — the development of conscious activity, of knowing, feeling, striving (his marginal note: “each involves the other” — and, boxed in graphite, “Dwell on this”).

He then unfolds each term: knowing means cognizing objects of every kind “as truly, as comprehensively, as dispassionately as possible” — the sensible world, scientific concepts, human personalities, social enterprise, art, the objects of religious consciousness. Feeling means emotional reactions becoming “more appropriate to objects” (appropriateness, he notes in the margin, is itself intuited). Striving means subordinating lesser to greater ends, “emancipation from the obsession of the familiar, easy, primitive impulse for the sake of the new, more difficult, & more developed.” His marginal gloss compresses it: “Advance = finer adjustment to reality.” The sanction for all this is again intuitive — “vision of the worthwhileness of these activities”; they “need no demonstration.”

Sheet 9’s analogy (deck) is characteristic of his teaching manner: a starving man craves food but may lack strength to seek it; a mentally starving man sees the humanistic goal as good “if he has it in him to apprehend it” — but may lack resolution, “or be sidetracked by easier goods.” Value-blindness, for Stapledon, is a failure of capacity or nerve, not of argument.

Then the hard political question (sheets 9–11): Aristocracy or Democracy? Equal opportunity for all even at low attainment, or highest attainment for a few even on the backs of slaves? Is the goal the fulfilment of all particular individuals, or “the achievement of a form of mind by means of individuals”? He runs four hypothetical worlds:

  1. a world of mediocre beings exercising mediocre powers fully — condemned as a failure;
  2. a world of abject slaves and a few splendidly fulfilled — condemned as violating human unity and the sense of obligation;
  3. a brotherhood of equal supermen — impossible, because capacities vary in rank;
  4. a hierarchical world where many subordinates fulfil their powers and a few attain the heights — “does not violate social obligation, yet does justice to the ideal.”

(Readers of Last and First Men will recognize these as thumbnail sketches of whole civilizations from the novel; readers of the 1929 Ethics will recognize the shape of its chapter XII. The mitigation — that mechanization “might enable all to attain fulness, each up to the limit of his capacity” — is the lecture’s own, on sheet 10; the 1929 book has no such softening, and is in fact harsher: see §3.2 and §3.11.)

The upshot (sheet 11) is a four-point creed of the “thorough-going humanist,” ending in the lecture’s first radical step (sheet 11): when we are most vital, most awakened, “we are ready to be sacrificed for the humanistic ideal.” Not sacrificed for each other’s happiness merely — that he distinguishes carefully (“I accept this out of comradeship, I accept the other out of devotion”) — but for the Ideal: “meaningless for all to ‘die’ for one another; but all might have to ‘die’ for the Ideal.” The margin fences the flight with a condition the celebration needs: “Yet: none may sacrifice another against his will.” The humanist ideal itself, taken seriously, already demands a self-transcendence that points beyond man as he is. The door to superhumanism is opened from the inside of humanism.

2.4 The sceptical interlude (sheet 12)

Primary source: the notes for this movement (sheet 12) — diplomatic transcription; every sheet links to its scan
Sheet 12 scan ↗
11 15
Sceptical doubts of the Ideal of Human Fulfilment
what is ð justification of this sense of obligation?
is it not sheer prejudice?
why not eat drink & be merry?
these high-flown intuitions are suspect
psycho-analysis explains them away
finds their primitive unconscious sources
(often when we prize something —
ð cause of our valuing is —
some trivial association —
with infantile craving
(no longer accessible)
eg. worship of ð Virgin
based on infantile sexual & filial craving
worship of a personal God
based on infantile need of a Father.
present application:—
ð Humanistic ideal owes its power to —
infantile conditioning, merely
Answer to ð Unconscious Motivation attack
1. psycho-analysis very salutary & enlightening
& should make us sceptical
Choose —
Between ψ.a.
& humanism
X2. but : its principles still uncertain & vague
& its method can be turned against itself
(ð ψ analyst's trust in his theory —
due to infantile conditioning
eg revulsion against parental sanctity)
3. reduction to primitive motives is illicit abstraction
4. qualitative difference between infantile craving
& recognition of ð human ideal

Before the main clash he pauses to let the sceptic question both parties: what justifies the sense of obligation at all? “Is it not sheer prejudice? Why not eat drink & be merry?” Psychoanalysis “explains away” high-flown intuitions by finding their “primitive unconscious sources” — worship of the Virgin from infantile sexual and filial craving, worship of a personal God from the infantile need of a Father, and, by the same token, the humanistic ideal itself from “infantile conditioning, merely.”

His answer, as the notes give it (sheet 12), has four parts: (1) psychoanalysis is “very salutary & enlightening & should make us sceptical”; (2) but its principles are vague and “its method can be turned against itself” (the analyst’s trust in his own theory being equally reducible to, e.g., “revulsion against parental sanctity”); (3) reduction to primitive motives is an “illicit abstraction”; (4) there is a qualitative difference between infantile craving and the recognition of the human ideal. In present-day terms: a genetic explanation of a belief does not by itself settle the belief’s validity. The result matters to the lecture twice over — it defends the humanist against the cynic here, and it will be available to the superhumanist later, when the humanist deploys the same Freudian argument against worship (§2.5). Whether that placement was tactical cannot be read off the manuscript; what the notes show is the parallel itself.

A diagonal note in the margin compresses the argument to a choice: “Choose — between ψ.a. & humanism” (sheet 12, margin; the cramped glyph is marked disputed in the transcription — “ψ.a.” or “P.A.”, psychoanalysis either way). Taken as a criterion of validity, the reduction applies to the humanist’s own ideal as much as to the superhumanist’s worship; a humanist who keeps his ideal has therefore already declined to treat origin as settling validity — which is the only concession the later argument needs. It is worth being precise about the move’s limits, which the notes respect: it blunts the genetic argument as a general solvent, but it does not show that any particular intuition — the humanist’s or the superhumanist’s — is veridical. That question is left, deliberately, to direct inspection.

With The Future of an Illusion now held (in Strachey’s translation), the opponent can be given his own voice — and the duel proves closer-fought than the notes’ four-point summary lets on. Of the texts we hold, this book is the closest comparator, and possibly the immediate source — but the identification should be stated at its true strength: sheet 12 names only “psycho-analysis,” never Freud; its opening example, worship of the Virgin from “infantile sexual & filial craving,” appears nowhere in The Future of an Illusion; and when Philosophy and Living cites Freud by title five years later, the works named are The Interpretation of Dreams, Totem and Taboo and The Psychopathology of Everyday Life, not this book. What can be said is that the derivations the sheet reproduces are this book’s: religious ideas “are illusions, fulfilments of the oldest, strongest and most urgent wishes of mankind,” powered by “the terrifying impression of helplessness in childhood” and the consequent need “to cling to the existence of a father, but this time a more powerful one.” Even the sheet’s most aggressive move — extending the reduction to “the Humanistic ideal” itself — is one the book makes on its own behalf: “may not other cultural assets of which we hold a high opinion and by which we let our lives be ruled be of a similar nature? Must not the assumptions that determine our political regulations be called illusions as well?” But Freud is more careful than the humanist the notes arm with his argument. He concedes the genetic point’s logical limit himself — “An illusion is not the same thing as an error; nor is it necessarily an error,” an illusion being defined by wish-derivation, not by falsity; and, flatly: “To assess the truth-value of religious doctrines does not lie within the scope of the present enquiry” — which is sheet 12’s point (4), granted in advance. He even anticipates the tu quoque of point (2), and answers it not by denying the charge but by conceding it and drawing a different line: “perhaps the hopes I have confessed to are of an illusory nature, too. But I hold fast to one distinction… my illusions are not, like religious ones, incapable of correction. They have not the character of a delusion” — corrigibility, an answer the notes never engage, and a real one: Freud does not deny that his hopes may be wishes, he claims only to hold them correctably, and nothing in sheet 12’s four points meets that reply. Where the book actually stakes its claim is on suspicion rather than refutation — believers’ doctrines discredited because “it is a very striking fact that all this is exactly as we are bound to wish it to be” — and on the future: “Our god Λόγος is perhaps not a very almighty one”; “science has given us evidence by its numerous and important successes that it is no illusion.” Against that actual position, sheet 12’s parity-move stands but shrinks: suspicion of what we are “bound to wish” is not disproof, and the humanist who keeps his ideal has already declined to treat origin as verdict — yet the flat “explains away” the notes attack is cruder than what the book says. And one convergence deserves the record, because it cuts oddly across the whole evening. Freud rules that the bare “sense of man’s insignificance or impotence in the face of the universe” is not yet religion — the essence lies in “the next step after it, the reaction to it which seeks a remedy”; the man who “humbly acquiesces in the small part which human beings play in the great world” is “on the contrary, irreligious in the truest sense of the word.” A worship that forbids itself the remedy — sheet 28’s “we must outgrow the craving for security & the desire to have salvation” — renounces the very wish that powers Freud’s illusion-machine; on the book’s own definition it is not an illusion but an irreligion. Freud would have called the salute irreligious in the truest sense; Stapledon might not have minded the adjective, having chosen his own noun (“agnostic piety”). The residual dispute — whether a wish-free reverence is really wish-free, or only better disguised — no text on either side settles; it deserves to stand as this section’s live question, and it points at this analysis as much as at the lecture: a wish for austere submission may itself be wish-laden.

Freud, Future of an Illusion (1927) ↗ · ¶ 111 · ¶ 117 · ¶ 112 · ¶ 115 · ¶ 176 · ¶ 179 · ¶ 181 · ¶ 114 — quoted passages in context
I THINK we have prepared the way sufficiently for an answer to both these questions. It will be found if we turn our attention to the psychical origin of religious ideas. These, which are given out as teachings, are not precipitates of experience or end-results of thinking: they are illusions, fulfilments of the oldest, strongest and most urgent wishes of mankind. The secret of their strength lies in the strength of those wishes. As we already know, the terrifying impression of helplessness in childhood aroused the need for protection—for protection through love—which was provided by the father; and the recognition that this helplessness lasts throughout life made it necessary to cling to the existence of a father, but this time a more powerful one. Thus the benevolent rule of a divine Providence allays our fear of the dangers of life; the establishment of a moral world-order ensures the fulfilment of the demands of justice, which have so often remained unfulfilled in human civilization; and the prolongation of earthly existence in a future life provides the local and temporal framework in which these wish-fulfilments shall take place. Answers to the riddles that tempt the curiosity of man, such as how the universe began or what the relation is between body and mind, are developed in conformity with the underlying assumptions of this system. It is an enormous relief to the individual psyche if the conflicts of its childhood arising from the father-complex—conflicts which it has never wholly overcome—are removed from it and brought to a solution which is universally accepted.
HAVING recognized religious doctrines as illusions, we are at once faced by a further question: may not other cultural assets of which we hold a high opinion and by which we let our lives be ruled be of a similar nature? Must not the assumptions that determine our political regulations be called illusions as well? and is it not the case that in our civilization the relations between the sexes are disturbed by an erotic illusion or a number of such illusions? And once our suspicion has been aroused, we shall not shrink from asking too whether our conviction that we can learn something about external reality through the use of observation and reasoning in scientific work—whether this conviction has any better foundation. Nothing ought to keep us from directing our observation to our own selves or from applying our thought to criticism of itself. In this field a number of investigations open out before us, whose results could not but be decisive for the construction of a '*Weltanschauung*'. We surmise, moreover, that such an effort would not be wasted and that it would at least in part justify our suspicion. But the author does not dispose of the means for undertaking so comprehensive a task; he needs must confine his work to following out one only of these illusions—that, namely, of religion.
When I say that these things are all illusions, I must define the meaning of the word. An illusion is not the same thing as an error; nor is it necessarily an error. Aristotle’s belief that vermin are developed out of dung (a belief to which ignorant people still cling) was an error; so was the belief of a former generation of doctors that *tabes dorsalis* is the result of sexual excess. It would be incorrect to call these errors illusions. On the other hand, it was an illusion of Columbus’s that he had discovered a new sea-route to the Indies. The part played by his wish in this error is very clear. One may describe as an illusion the assertion made by certain nationalists that the IndoGermanic race is the only one capable of civilization; or the belief, which was only destroyed by psycho-analysis, that children are creatures without sexuality. What is characteristic of illusions is that they are derived from human wishes. In this respect they come near to psychiatric delusions. But they differ from them, too, apart from the more complicated structure of delusions. In the case of delusions, we emphasize as essential their being in contradiction with reality. Illusions need not necessarily be false—that is to say, unrealizable or in contradiction to reality. For instance, a middle-class girl may have the illusion that a prince will come and marry her. This is possible; and a few such cases have occurred. That the Messiah will come and found a golden age is much less likely. Whether one classifies this belief as an illusion or as something analogous to a delusion will depend on one's personal attitude. Examples of illusions which have proved true are not easy to find, but the illusion of the alchemists that all metals can be turned into gold might be one of them. The wish to have a great deal of gold, as much gold as possible, has, it is true, been a good deal damped by our present-day knowledge of the determinants of wealth, but chemistry no longer regards the transmutation of metals into gold as impossible. Thus we call a belief an illusion when a wish-fulfilment is a prominent factor in its motivation, and in doing so we disregard its relations to reality, just as the illusion itself sets no store by verification.
To assess the truth-value of religious doctrines does not lie within the scope of the present enquiry. It is enough for us that we have recognized them as being, in their psychological nature, illusions. But we do not have to conceal the fact that this discovery also strongly influences our attitude to the question which must appear to many to be the most important of all. We know approximately at what periods and by what kind of men religious doctrines were created. If in addition we discover the motives which led to this, our attitude to the problem of religion will undergo a marked displacement. We shall tell ourselves that it would be very nice if there were a God who created the world and was a benevolent Providence, and if there were a moral order in the universe and an after-life; but it is a very striking fact that all this is exactly as we are bound to wish it to be. And it would be more remarkable still if our wretched, ignorant and downtrodden ancestors had succeeded in solving all these difficult riddles of the universe.
You will not find me inaccessible to your criticism. I know how difficult it is to avoid illusions; perhaps the hopes I have confessed to are of an illusory nature, too. But I hold fast to one distinction. Apart from the fact that no penalty is imposed for not sharing them, my illusions are not, like religious ones, incapable of correction. They have not the character of a delusion. If experience should show—not to me, but to others after me, who think as I do—that we have been mistaken, we will give up our expectations. Take my attempt for what it is. A psychologist who does not deceive himself about the difficulty of finding one's bearings in this world, makes an endeavour to assess the development of man, in the light of the small portion of knowledge he has gained through a study of the mental processes of individuals during their development from child to adult. In so doing, the idea forces itself upon him that religion is comparable to a childhood neurosis, and he is optimistic enough to suppose that mankind will surmount this neurotic phase, just as so many children grow out of their similar neurosis. These discoveries derived from individual psychology may be insufficient, their application to the human race unjustified, and his optimism unfounded. I grant you all these uncertainties. But often one cannot refrain from saying what one thinks, and one excuses oneself on the ground that one is not giving it out for more than it is worth.
Education freed from the burden of religious doctrines will not, it may be, effect much change in men’s psychological nature. Our god Λόγος is perhaps not a very almighty one, and he may only be able to fulfil a small part of what his predecessors have promised. If we have to acknowledge this we shall accept it with resignation. We shall not on that account lose our interest in the world and in life, for we have one sure support
which you lack. We believe that it is possible for scientific work to gain some knowledge about the reality of the world, by means of which we can increase our power and in accordance with which we can arrange our life. If this belief is an illusion, then we are in the same position as you. But science has given us evidence by its numerous and important successes that it is no illusion. Science has many open enemies, and many more secret ones, among those who cannot forgive her for having weakened religious faith and for threatening to overthrow it. She is reproached for the smallness of the amount she has taught us and for the incomparably greater field she has left in obscurity. But, in this, people forget how young she is, how difficult her beginnings were and how infinitesimally small is the period of time since the human intellect has been strong enough for the tasks she sets. Are we not all at fault, in basing our judgements on periods of time that are too short? We should make the geologists our pattern. People complain of the unreliability of science—how she announces as a law to-day what the next generation recognizes as an error and replaces by a new law whose accepted validity lasts no longer. But this is unjust and in part untrue. The transformations of scientific […]
At this point one must expect to meet with an objection. ‘Well then, if even obdurate sceptics admit that the assertions of religion cannot be refuted by reason, why should I not believe in them, since they have so much on their side—tradition, the agreement of mankind, and all the consolations they offer?’ Why not, indeed? Just as no one can be forced to believe, so no one can be forced to disbelieve. But do not let us be satisfied with deceiving ourselves that arguments like these take us along the road of correct thinking. If ever there was a case of a lame excuse we have it here. *Ignorance is ignorance;* no right to believe anything can be derived from it. In other matters no sensible person will behave so irresponsibly or rest content with such feeble grounds for his opinions and for the line he takes. It is only in the highest and most sacred things that he allows himself to do so. In reality these are only attempts at pretending to oneself or to other people that one is still firmly attached to religion, when one has long since cut oneself loose from it. Where questions of religion are concerned, people are guilty of every possible sort of dishonesty and intellectual misdemeanour. Philosophers stretch the meaning of words until they retain scarcely anything of their original sense. They give the name of ‘God’ to some vague abstraction which they have created for themselves; having done so they can pose before all the world as deists, as believers in God, and they can even boast that they have recognized a higher, purer concept of God, notwithstanding that their God is now nothing more than an insubstantial shadow and no longer the mighty personality of religious doctrines. Critics persist in describing as ‘deeply religious’ anyone who admits to a sense of man’s insignificance or impotence in the face of the universe, although what constitutes the essence of the religious attitude is not this feeling but only the next step after it, the reaction to it which seeks a remedy for it. The man who goes no further, but humbly acquiesces in the small part which human beings play in the great world—such a man is, on the contrary, irreligious in the truest sense of the word.

2.5 The humanist’s case against superhumanism (sheets 14, 16–20)

Primary source: the notes for this movement (sheets 14, 16–20) — diplomatic transcription; every sheet links to its scan — sheets: 14 · 16 · 17 · 18 · 19 · 20
Sheet 14 scan ↗
12 16
Necessity of θ Humanistic Ideal
In spite of all critics
we cannot but accept it
as θ goal for individual
& for society
all other goals are
either incomplete (eg θ naive goal)
or positively false
(eg nat’nal power)
Criticism of Humanism from Superhumanist side
but from another point of view —
θ humanistic goal is necessary, —
it is not enough
we must orientate ourselves to —
Something beyond Man
even beyond human perfection
Sheet 16 scan ↗
3
13
×To this the Humanist replies: —
×(using θ arguments θ 4 an used against him)
Defence of Humanistic attitude against Superhumanism
First: state θ case for humanism as strongly as possible
& θ case against Superhumanism
(Then, criticise humanism
& find θ true place of Superhumanism)
Superhumanism a dangerous drug
“habit-forming”
it gets hold of you
makes all else seem worthless, insipid
incapacitates one for useful life
undermines θ intellect
by blurring all concepts
& by giving a bias to all reasoning
θ appeal of superhumanism is to θ infantile in us
to θ desire for a fairy-land universe
where all wishes are fulfilled
glamourously, mysteriously
unintelligibly.
its peculiar power derived from —
infantile awe of parent
its seductive experiences —
mere hallucinations
due to unconscious cravings
for safety, peace
omnipotence
i.e. it is θ supreme flight from reality
Sheet 17 scan ↗
14
θ Humanist points to —
θ disastrous effects of superhuman religions in θ past
withdrawing men from θ battle of life
to monastic seclusion
" ritual activities
" doctrinal disputation
i e withdrawing interest from this world
(& from θ call to make a better world)
for the sake of "another" world
& soul - saving, mortification
dominance by priests
a class privileged to "know"
& to keep others from knowing
tyranizing by fear of divine wrath
& Hellfire etc
turning wealth to unproductive expense
building temples etc
instead of improving θ lot of θ poor
resisting all advance in —
knowledge
morality
orgies of persecution
religious wars
Sheet 18 scan ↗
15
Argument from ð limitations of the human mind
man's intellect a practical instrument
formed by natural selection for struggle for existence
not suited to metaphysics
a spear serviceable for hunting quarry
futile when thrown at the moon
wingscannot know anything superhumanSo why worry?
not originally
for flyingman's desire is an expression of human needs
when ð stomach lacks nutriment —
we desire food
even our most developed desires —
are desires for human fulfilment
after allthus superhumanism is —
1. an expression of biological cravings
(especially suppressed infantile cravings
with glamourous feeling tone.)
2. a tissue of biassed reasoning
whose illusory power cogency is due to —
illegitimate use of practical concepts
Sheet 19 scan ↗
5
argument from ð limitations of human intellect
Sheet 20 scan ↗
16
argument from world-confusion
even if superhumanism were right, in some sense
yet today — all hands to the pumps
& more sciencecivilization is falling to pieces
what we want is a new Human Loyalty
a vivid realization of what ð world might be
what might be made of man
in times of crisis, superhumanism is pernicious
it distracts from ð urgent task
ð Communist argument
1. Obj:- superhumanism is capitalist dope
calculated to side track ð proletariat
Fascism ð new version of it
(ð mystical Race deity)
[I should say:
not calculated
but it does have ð effect desired, does distract
e.g Roman Catholic influence]
2 superhumanism an expression of -
(a) crushed workers' yearning for a better world
(fairyland motive)
(b) worldly capitalist's yearning for -
otherworldliness

Having established that the humanistic ideal is necessary (“in spite of all critics we cannot but accept it… all other goals are either incomplete (e.g. the naive goal) or positively false (e.g. national power)”), he pivots: necessary, but not enough — “we must orientate ourselves to Something beyond Man, even beyond human perfection.”

But first he states the opposing case at full strength — the notes devote five sheets to it (sheets 16–20). The humanist’s indictment:

2.6 The defence of superhumanism (sheets 21–32) — the lecture’s heart

Primary source: the notes for this movement (sheets 21–32) — diplomatic transcription; every sheet links to its scan — sheets: 21 · 22 · 23 · 24 · 25 · 26 · 27 · 28 · 29 · 30 · 31 · 32
Sheet 21 scan ↗
17
Defence of Superhumanism
Some of these arguments strike home with great force
they have the common sense appeal
" seem reasonable, practical
humanism is a clear serene light to guide us
superhumanism a will o'the whisp
leading us over a precipice
once follow it, & we are lost
we flounder in folly, superstition
religious mania
Yet Humanism is not enough — for me.
my sympathy is entirely with ð humanist
I crave sanity, reasonableness
precision, rationality, science
practical bearing
Then why reject Humanism? or why demand more?
what more is needed? can it have?
& if there is a more, what practical bearing
Impossible to give a clear answer
though a clear answer is desperately needed
This ð most difficult of all questions
stretches ð mind to its limits
Sheet 22 scan ↗
18
As clear as I can get it —
my "reasons" for demanding more than humanism. X
(summarised)
(a) a felt lack or insufficiency in humanism itself
(b) a felt acquaintance with a positive Something
which supplies that lack
(c) a number of rational considerations
(True Rationalists should be Superhumanists)
(d) I live better, more humanly, effectively through —
keeping sensitive to the Superhuman
(a) Felt insufficiency of Humanism
naive humanism. (utilitarianism) →
is felt to be insufficient by ð full Humanist
developed Humanism
satisfies in so far as it —
is implicitly superhumanist,
i e sets man a goal —
which is good intrinsically
independently of opinion.
But even so →
ð best kind of humanism is not enough
∵ it turns mankind into —
a mutual improvement + admiration society
its goal no better than self improvement
c/f record-breaking
or learning fresh accomplishments
X Humanism does not really make ϑ best of Man
∵ it leaves out his true function
Sheet 23 scan ↗
19
(b) Felt acquaintance with a positive Something
which fills the lack
extremely difficult to speak accurately about it
indeed ð experience is indescribable
save by emotional words, emotive words
which indicate ð special emotion
(ð appropriate emotion)
but do not describe ð thing
those who already know will understand
others not
(how dangerous to say this)
Xcall it a sense of - “ð numinous”, ð “holy”
mystery, majesty, formidableness,
horror, weirdness, eerie
exquisiteness, sweetness
excellence, beauty
in objective existence
⊙ i.e in everythingpossible to find it in every kind of object ⊙
ð can bein pure sensation
objectin perceptual objects, small & great
to the apprehending(not merely aesthetic delight)
mind -in human persons, & lives, & dramas
even mindin introspected mental activities
itself as objectin personal relations – love, hate copulation
in communities
in ð World Community
in History
in Evolution
in Scientific objects: atoms, stars
in mathematical principles
in objects of Art
Sheet 24 scan ↗
20
normally they seem — just themselves
good, bad, indifferent in relation to
beautiful & ugly, etc our needs
but sometimes — they strike us differently
they come alive
not wð physical vision, but or we come alive, awake,
with ð mind's eye → & see them better, realise them
or ð eye of ð spirit & recognize in all of them — even ð bad ones —
Not with a common character
mystical vision a numinous significance
and when, in solitude, we try to "feel existence whole"
(a) concentrating on ð actual passage of time —
(b) & mentally embracing all experience —
(all ðt has ever come our way) —
we may have a vivid sense of — what?
to call it of ð Mighty Other, weird, holy, dread
personal a "presence".
is to ×        (but no personal presence)
belittle it Mysterium Tremendum
Youth perhaps is most sensitive to ð numinous in particulars
(Wordsworth said so)
but I am not sure
but as we mature we may grasp respond more deeply to —
ð numinous aspect of our whole experience
Such is the solitary felt-acquaintance
with ð Great Other
Sheet 25 scan ↗
20A
Felt acquaintance in Community
for some — ð felt acquaintance comes best
in company with others
hence communal worship
in all religions
but distinguish —
(a) mere herd feeling
sense of crowd’s presence
lust of gregariousness
exulting in special stimuli
(eg. perceived herd
herd noises etc
(b). community in ð presence of ð Other
“Together we face God”
I, ð crowd, face God, ð Other
I, ð individual, bow, not to ð herd, —
but to God
I, ð crowd, worship God
subject myself to ð Other
in self-oblivious devotion
Sheet 26 scan ↗
21
(c) Rational considerations supporting Superhumanism
distinguish two sorts of rationalism —
petty-fogging, & ex “ð larger Rationalism”
Pettifogging Rationalism, dogmatic
craves certainty, & slick interpretation
accepts human reason uncritically
& current science
tends to deny what it cannot cope with
ð larger Rationalism, sceptical
its spirit is “Reasonableness”
rather than “rationality”
does not mistake probability for certainty
(or slight possibility “     “
regarding human experience in this spirit —
we find sheer humanism unsatisfying
∵ it shuts ð windows, draws ð blinds
& seeks artificial elegance
oblivious of ð outer night & ð stars
instead, we boldly go out into ð darkness
& we find — ð superhuman everywhere
ð magnitudes of astranomy
(aeons, expanding space
gigantic inconceivables,
Relativity, star-dust
ð minutiae of sub atomic physics
& basic physical mystery of —
-electrons etc
overwhelming sense of ð Vast Inhuman
& that all our knowledge of it is mythical
Sheet 27 scan ↗
21A
we find also —
θ story of θ evolution of life
its length, wastefulness
precariousness, chanciness
its progressive release of potentiality
its incomprehensibility
& ourselves as moments in it
we find: θ significance of θ distinctively human
⊙ conviction θ —as an achievement of evolution ⊙
man is transitionalθ great Other includes Man
& scarcely a beginningwe ourselves constitute —
even, But doomed?θ chief mystery for us #
θ fact of our awareness
# butour implication in θ physical
our mysteryour desiring this, not that
has a significanceour varying awakeness ⊕
θ reaches beyondour beginning & ending
θ human sphereour relationships together
⊕ our striving towardour intelligence & imagination.
spiritualitybearing all this in mind —
& also θ present growing humility of Science —
is it reasonable to blinker oneself with humanism?
is not concern with θ superhuman θ way of life?
( though a dangerous way)
Sheet 28 scan ↗
21
  B
But though ð larger rationalism —
points beyond sheer Humanism,
it should also restrain us from all doctrine
(through realisation of ð Other's vastness
& ð limitations of our thought
& ð snares of wish fulfilment)
we may be tempted to say—
“surely then there must be a God”
a personal God, & benevolent
& ∴ all is well, immortality etc etc
but we must not.
we must outgrow ð craving for security
& ð desire to have salvation
We may say only —
Xthat I am aware of an unspeakable Beauty,& Majesty
which I salute though it destroy me.
I can say no more about it,
but only about its effects on me.
— I am aware also of ð claims of altruism,
& of the humanistic ideal
But their
final
justification
is man's
function
as worshipper
→These are the objects of practical loyalty.
I ought to serve them unswervingly
— Yet — if fate goes against them,
if I suffer,
if my beloved suffer,
if all men are tortured,
even if ð human race is destroyed,—
I must salute ð Supreme Beauty
which I see
Sheet 29 scan ↗
22
(d) Pragmatic considerations ⊙
⊙practical effects of sensitivity to θ superhuman —
Contrastaspect of existence
pragmatic reasonRecognise θ practical dangers of superhumanism
for belief in God,tendency to withdraw from actual life
“comfort”“    ” live in a dream world —
peopled with abstractions
& doctrines
tendency to dogmatise
“    ” persecute
“    ” disparage reason, science etc
“    ” lose critical faculty
“    ” individual soul saving
“    ” mob hysteria
# Note:—these dangers must be guarded against,
some humanistsnot run away from
are more thanPractical effects of Humanism & Superhumanism —
humanistsat their best #
Humanism may give
⊕generosity, refinement, fortitude
taking manbut: aridity?
too seriouslycomplacency, lack of detachment
lack of humour ⊕
Superhumanism (of θ undoctrinal sort)—
may give - selfishness, withdrawal etc
but: this is a perversion
it should give & can give —
a heightened temper of θ will
improved muscular tone of θ spirit
which makes a subtle difference in conduct
day by day, minute by minute
Sheet 30 scan ↗
23
θ psychology of this heightened temper
1. presupposes a degree of sensibility
(θ spirit’s eyes must be open)
2. but what is revealed awakens θ ff spirit further
(cp in sleep, sensitive to sound
⊙
sense ofbut θ bell wakes one)
θ Presented3. θ final result: ⊙ conduct raised to a new plane,
Other,
a Presence,a finer adjustment to circumstances
It. Reality(cp effects of coffee on thought processes)
terrible -
we become more able to live with style
beautiful.(instead of sloppily)
participation
in It,to get θ best out of ourselves
in θ Real∴ everything seems more worth while
at once more energy & more detachment
i e more strength for serving θ Ideal
(θ Human Ideal).
× & more detachment —
in success & in failure
detachment not only from self but from Man
⊕∴ we feel man to be so small
Instrumental to —
what?& to be finally instrumental, ⊕
To worship& out of this humility —
To worship& comes a new dignity
To apprehending,which θ sheer Humanist must lack,
& enjoying θ universeθ dignity which comes of —
& thus -free subordination of oneself
contributing?to something more admirable
a distinctive beauty
Sheet 31 scan ↗
24
ð Humanist subordinates himself
(to the human ideal)
“Man instrumental
to Worship”
but cannot subordinate Mankind
& ∴ ultimately not even himself
ð man mind sensitive to ð superhuman —
has thus a humility, a dignity, a peace
which is unshakable
& underlies [illegible]his dread of the holy
his vision of ð horror of existence
he has also a deep “felt-scepticism” of human thought
he feels its superficiality
its minute scope
its merely mythical character
∵ he feels ð presence of that which —
utterly transcends it.
this should make him in ð long run a better thinker
(than ð humanist (pure))
∴ a more sensitive, supple, cautious one
he will not take fashionable principles —
too seriously
eg. 19th Century materialism
20th “ mentalism (Edington)
psychoanalysis
ð Scientific attitude
but: he must be ware of taking theology seriously too
must avoid all doctrine
welcome all hypothesis
Sheet 32 scan ↗
25
scepticism about human reason —
need not lead him to irrationalism
he may still accept objective rationality
θ Other ð he worships is irrational to him
& freakish, terrible, grisly
but it may yet be in itself systematic
θ universe may be intelligible
though not to man
& even man may progressively understand
& must try to do so

He begins with total candour: “Some of these arguments strike home with great force… humanism is a clear serene light to guide us; superhumanism a will-o’-the-wisp leading us over a precipice.” And then the hinge of the whole evening: “Yet Humanism is not enough — for me.” He underlines his temperamental alliance with the critics — “my sympathy is entirely with the humanist; I crave sanity, reasonableness, precision, rationality, science, practical bearing” — and admits that a clear answer to “why demand more?” is impossible, “though a clear answer is desperately needed. This is the most difficult of all questions; stretches mind to its limits.”

His reasons, “as clear as I can get it,” come in four registers — felt lack, felt acquaintance, rational considerations, pragmatic effects. This quadruple structure is the skeleton of the lecture’s second half.

(a) Felt insufficiency of humanism. Developed humanism satisfies in so far as it is implicitly superhumanist — i.e., in so far as it sets man a goal “which is good intrinsically, independently of opinion.” But even the best humanism “turns mankind into a mutual improvement and admiration society; its goal no better than self-improvement — cf. record-breaking, or learning fresh accomplishments.” The line he marks with a marginal X (sheet 22): “Humanism does not really make the best of Man, because it leaves out his true function.” What that function is, the notes defer to the close — where it returns as man’s office of worship (§2.6(d)).

(b) Felt acquaintance with a positive Something. This is his description of the experience of worship, and the notes here are unusually careful. The experience is “indescribable save by emotive words, which indicate the special emotion (the appropriate emotion) but do not describe the thing.” He names the risk of esotericism out loud: “those who already know will understand, others not — (how dangerous to say this).” Then the naming: a sense of “the numinous, the holy” — the vocabulary is Rudolf Otto’s (The Idea of the Holy), though the notes never cite him — “mystery, majesty, formidableness, horror, weirdness, eerie, exquisiteness, sweetness, excellence, beauty” — in objective existence. It can be found “in every kind of object”: pure sensation, perceptual objects small and great, persons, lives, dramas, introspected mental activity, personal relations — “love, hate,” with “copulation” a later graphite insertion — communities, the World Community, History, Evolution, atoms, stars, mathematical principles, art.

Normally things seem “just themselves — good, bad, indifferent… in relation to our needs” (the ellipsis passes over “beautiful & ugly, etc”). “But sometimes they strike us differently: they come alive — or we come alive, awake — and see them better, realize them, and recognize in all of them — even the bad ones — a common character, a numinous significance.” (Margins, two separate notes: “not with physical vision, but with the mind’s eye, or the eye of the spirit”; and “Not with mystical vision” — he refuses both the reductive and the occult readings at once.) And when, in solitude, “we try to ‘feel existence whole’ — concentrating on the actual passage of time, and mentally embracing all experience (‘all that has ever come our way’) — we may have a vivid sense of — what? Of the Mighty Other, weird, holy, dread; a ‘presence’ (but no personal presence). Mysterium Tremendum.” Margin: “to call it personal is to belittle it.”

With The Idea of the Holy now held, the sheets’ debt to Otto can be tested rather than asserted — and it runs much deeper than the two loanwords. The sheet-23 vocabulary reproduces Otto’s dual structure exactly. “Mystery, majesty, formidableness, horror, weirdness, eerie” is the tremendum — Otto’s analysis runs through “awefulness,” tremenda majestas (“aweful majesty”), and the “uncanny,” “eerie,” “weird” of daemonic dread — while “exquisiteness, sweetness, excellence, beauty” is Otto’s fascinans, the second pole he insists belongs to the same object: “the daunting and the fascinating” combined in “a strange harmony of contrasts.” The sheets give the Other both poles together, in Otto’s order — the strongest textual fit in the lecture’s intellectual context, though not, by itself, proof of first-hand reading: the era’s most-read second-hand source carried both poles too (the channel question is weighed at this section’s end). The method matches too: Otto’s numinous “cannot, strictly speaking, be taught, it can only be evoked, awakened in the mind” — the sheets’ emotive words that “indicate… but do not describe”; and the risk Stapledon names out loud (“how dangerous to say this”) is the risk Otto notoriously embraced, inviting any reader who “knows no such moments in his experience… to read no further.” So does the doctrine, at its load-bearing point: Otto argues against Schleiermacher that creature-feeling is secondary, a “shadow” cast by a feeling with “immediate and primary reference to an object outside the self” — which is the sheets’ “in objective existence,” and the ground of Stapledon’s standing refusal to derive worship from the worshipper (§3.2, §3.5). Even the manuscript’s smallest revision keeps Otto’s company: the diagonal “& Majesty” inserted into the salute sentence (§2.6(c)) sets Otto’s majestas beside Beauty — dread’s element joined to fascination’s. Where the two part is where the lecture parts from all doctrine: Otto “schematizes” the numinous into the rational, moral, personal God of Christian theism, and the margin’s answer is already written — “to call it personal is to belittle it.” One channel question must stay open, and it is wider than earlier editions of this analysis allowed. Julian Huxley’s Religion Without Revelation (1927) had quoted Otto’s mysterium-tremendum page at length, and the excerpts carry both poles, not just the dread: the horror that “may be developed into something beautiful, pure, and glorious,” the “uncanny,” “eerie,” “weird” of daemonic dread, and Huxley’s own summary that the numinous feeling “involves both attraction and repulsion, both fascination and fear.” A 1934 reader could therefore have had the dual structure entire from Huxley’s pages without opening Otto; what exceeds those excerpts is thinner than we once claimed — “majesty” (Otto’s tremenda majestas) and the late fiction’s “Wholly Other” (§3.9), neither of them decisive for the 1934 evening. Where the record is firm: by 1939 direct knowledge is certain — Philosophy and Living put The Idea of the Holy on its own reading list (§3.7). And the biography has now moved the terminus back to the lecture’s own doorstep. Crossley documents the reading directly: “In 1934, Olaf read one of the landmarks of modern theology, Rudolf Otto’s Idea of the Holy, and found a kindred spirit” — soon recommending the numinous, the radically other, as the corrective to cozier ideas of religion — and his endnote gives the archival evidence: “The Idea of the Holy is on a list of books read at the back of OS’s 1933–34 diary (SA).” First-hand reading is therefore documented biographical fact, and documented in the diary-year of the South Place lecture — the verdict earlier editions of this analysis had to leave open (“direct knowledge by then is plausible… the manuscript cannot decide”) is settled by the archive rather than the manuscript. What the diary list cannot fix is the month: whether the reading preceded 30 December cannot be pinned more tightly than the 1933–34 span, so the Huxley channel remains a formal possibility for the sheets themselves. But the economical reading is now first-hand: the book was in his hands in the lecture’s season, and the sheets carry its dual structure whole. (The remaining verification item passes to Liverpool: the reading list itself, at the back of the 1933–34 diary.)

Otto, The Idea of the Holy (1923) ↗ · ¶ 112 · ¶ 97 · ¶ 153 · ¶ 73 · ¶ 77 · ¶ 82 — quoted passages in context
It will be felt at once that there is yet a further element which must be added, that, namely, of 'might', 'power', 'absolute overpoweringness'. We will take to represent this the term '*majestas*', majesty—the more readily because any one with a feeling for language must detect a last faint trace of the numinous still clinging to the word. The '*tremendum*' may then be rendered more adequately '*tremenda majestas*', or '*aweful majesty*'. This second element of majesty may continue to be vividly preserved, where the first, that of unapproachability, recedes and dies away, as may be seen, for example, in Mysticism. It is especially in relation to this element of majesty or absolute overpoweringness that the creature-consciousness, of which we have already spoken, comes upon the scene, as a sort of shadow or subjective reflection of it. Thus, in contrast to 'the overpowering' of which we are conscious as an object over against the self, there is the feeling of one's own abasement, of being but 'dust and ashes' and nothingness. And this forms the numinous raw material for the feeling of religious humility.¹
In the Greek language we have a corresponding term in σεβαστός. The early Christians could clearly feel that the title σεβαστός (*augustus*) was one that could not fittingly be given to any creature, not even to the emperor. They felt that to call a man σεβαστός was to give a human being a name proper only to the numen, to rank him by the category proper only to the numen, and that it therefore amounted to a kind of idolatry. Of modern languages English has the words 'awe', 'aweful', which in their deeper and most special sense approximate closely to our meaning. The phrase, 'he stood aghast', is also suggestive in this connexion. On the other hand, German has no native-grown expression of its own for the higher and riper form of the emotion we are considering, unless it be in a word like '*erschauern*', which does suggest it fairly well. It is far otherwise with its cruder and more debased phases, where such terms as '*grausen*' and '*Schauer*', and the more popular and telling '*gruseln*' ('grue'), '*grüsen*', and '*grässlich*' ('grisly'), very clearly designate the numinous element. In my examination of Wundt's Animism I suggested the term '*Scheu*' (dread); but the special 'numinous' quality (making it '*awe*' rather than '*dread*' in the ordinary sense) would then of course have to be denoted by inverted commas. 'Religious dread' (or 'awe') would perhaps be a better designation. Its antecedent stage is 'daemonic dread' (cf. the horror of Pan) with its queer perversion, a sort of abortive off-shoot, the 'dread of ghosts'. It first begins to stir in the feeling of 'something uncanny', 'eerie', or 'weird'. It is this feeling which, emerging in the mind of primeval man, forms the starting-point for the entire religious development in history. 'Daemons' and 'gods' alike spring from this root, and all the products of 'mythological apperception' or 'fantasy' are nothing but different modes in which it has been objectified. And all ostensible explanations of the origin of religion in terms of animism or magic or folk psychology are doomed from the outset to wander astray and miss the real goal of their inquiry, unless they recognize this fact of our nature--primary, unique, underivable from anything else--to be the basic factor and the basic impulse underlying the entire process of religious evolution.1
These two qualities, the daunting and the fascinating, now combine in a strange harmony of contrasts, and the resultant dual character of the numinous consciousness, to which the entire religious development bears witness, at any rate from the level of the 'daemonic dread' onwards, is at once the strangest and most noteworthy phenomenon in the whole history of religion. The daemonic-divine object may appear to the mind an object of horror and dread, but at the same time it is no less something that allures with a potent charm, and the creature, who trembles before it, utterly cowed and cast down, has always at the same time the impulse to turn to it, nay even to make it somehow his own. The 'mystery' is for him not merely something to be wondered at but something that entrances him; and beside that in it which bewilders and confounds, he feels a something that captivates and transports him with a strange ravishment, rising often enough to the pitch of dizzy intoxication; it is the Dionysiac element in the numen.
Accordingly, it is worth while, as we have said, to find a word to stand for this element in isolation, this 'extra' in the meaning of 'holy' above and beyond the meaning of goodness. By means of a special term we shall the better be able, first, to keep the meaning clearly apart and distinct, and second, to apprehend and classify connectedly whatever subordinate forms or stages of development it may show. For this purpose I adopt a word coined from the Latin *numen*. *Omen* has given us *ominous*, and there is no reason why from *numen* we should not similarly form a word 'numinous'. I shall speak then of a unique 'numinous' category of value and of a definitely 'numinous' state of mind, which is always found wherever the category is applied. This mental state is perfectly *sui generis* and irreducible to any other; and therefore, like every absolutely primary and elementary datum, while it admits of being discussed, it cannot be strictly defined. There is only one way to help another to an understanding of it. He must be guided and led on by consideration and discussion of the matter through the ways of his own mind, until he reach the point at which 'the numinous' in him perforce begins to stir, to start into life and into consciousness. We can co-operate in this process by bringing before his notice all that can be found in other regions of the mind, already known and familiar, to resemble, or again to afford some special contrast to, the particular experience we wish to elucidate. Then we must add: 'This *X* of ours is not precisely *this* experience, but akin to this one and the opposite of that other. Cannot you now realize for yourself what it is?' In other words our *X* cannot, strictly speaking, be taught, it can only be evoked, awakened in the mind; as everything that comes 'of the spirit' must be awakened.
THE reader is invited to direct his mind to a moment of deeply-felt religious experience, as little as possible qualified by other forms of consciousness. Whoever cannot do this, whoever knows no such moments in his experience, is requested to read no further; for it is not easy to discuss questions of religious psychology with one who can recollect the emotions of his adolescence, the discomforts of indigestion, or, say, social feelings, but cannot recall any intrinsically religious feelings. We do not blame such an one, when he tries for himself to advance as far as he can with the help of such principles of explanation as he knows, interpreting 'Aesthetics' in terms of sensuous pleasure, and 'Religion' as a function of the gregarious instinct and social standards, or as something more primitive still. But the artist, who for his part has an intimate personal knowledge of the distinctive element in the aesthetic experience, will decline his theories with thanks, and the religious man will reject them even more uncompromisingly.
We have now to note a second defect in the formulation of Schleiermacher's principle. The religious category discovered by him, by whose means he professes to determine the real content of the religious emotion, is merely a category of self-valuation, in the sense of self-depreciation. According to him the religious emotion would be directly and primarily a sort of *self-consciousness*, a feeling concerning one's self in a special, determined relation, viz. one's dependence. Thus, according to Schleiermacher, I can only come upon the very fact of God as the result of an inference, that is, by reasoning to a cause beyond myself to account for my 'feeling of dependence'. But this is entirely opposed to the psychological facts of the case. Rather, the 'creature-feeling' is itself a first subjective concomitant and effect of another feeling-element, which casts it like a shadow, but which in itself indubitably has immediate and primary reference to an object outside the self.1
Huxley, Religion Without Revelation (1927) ↗ · ¶ 353 · ¶ 358 — quoted passages in context
Speaking of this feeling in a developed religious consciousness, he writes: "Let us consider the deepest and most fundamental element in all strong and sincerely felt religious emotion. Faith unto Salvation, Trust, Love—all these are there. But over and above these is an element which may also on occasion, quite apart from them, profoundly affect us and occupy the mind with a well-nigh bewildering strength. Let us follow it up with every effort of sympathy and imaginative intuition wherever it is to be found, in the lives of those around us, in sudden, strong ebullitions of personal piety, . . . in the fixed and ordered solemnities of rites and liturgies, and again in the atmosphere that clings to old religious monuments and buildings, to temples and to churches. If we do so we shall find we are dealing with something for which there is only one appropriate expression, *mysterium tremendum*. The feeling of it may at times come sweeping like a gentle tide, pervading the mind with a tranquil mood of deepest worship. It may pass over into a more set and lasting attitude of the soul, . . . until at last it dies away and the soul resumes its 'profane,' non-religious mood of everyday experience. It may burst in sudden eruption up from the depths of the soul with spasms and convulsions, or lead to the strangest excitements, to intoxicated frenzy, to transport, and to ecstasy. It has its wild and demoniac forms and can sink to an almost grisly horror and shuddering. It has its crude, barbaric antecedents and early manifestations, and again it may be developed into something beautiful, pure, and glorious. It may become the hushed, trembling, and speechless humility of the creature in the presence of—whom or what? In the presence of that which is a *Mystery* inexpressible and above all creatures.” I have quoted from Otto at some length, because both the non-rational fact of religious experience and its psychological basis are so clearly put.
For this reason, Marett prefers not to call what is experienced “the sacred” or “the holy,” since these to us almost invariably connote only goodness, but to borrow the Polynesian word *Mana*, which is actually employed to-day to denote the mysterious power assumed to be resident in all objects, good or evil, desirable or to be shunned, which arouse this *awe-ful* sense. In the same way, Otto feels constrained to coin a word for the experience of sacredness, and uses *numinous*, from the Latin *numen*, a divinity to be worshipped. It is not without significance that these similar results should have been reached by two very different minds, approaching the subject by wholly different routes. Marett is an anthropologist, trying to make sense of the accounts given by travellers, missionaries, and men of science, of the tangled workings of the primitive mind. Otto is a Protestant divine, attempting to make the theology of Christianity fuller and more accurate. The one is making an external approach to primitive religion, the other is dealing with the highest organised religion, and from within. And yet both alike come to the conclusion that there is an ultimate category of religious experience, which is defined by this sense of mystery and awe. The one important difference between them is that Otto goes the farther of the two. He not only points out that the numinous may be felt in evil as well as good things, but that *normally*, whether in evil or good things or in neutral, the feeling involves both attraction and repulsion, both fascination and fear.
Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 976 · ¶ 2251 — quoted passages in context
To the degree that *Star Maker* belongs to the literature of spiritual quest, Myers was an ideal reader (although, happily, Stapledon took little of his advice about altering the theological vision of the final chapters). Few twentieth-century works of fiction take theological inquiry as far as *Star Maker* does, and the work it has most often been compared to is the *Divine Comedy*. What Dante built, Stapledon dismantled. Where Dante invested a stable cosmos with a supremely authoritative, managerially efficient, and just but loving God, Stapledon found radical instability in multiple cosmoses, launched and discarded by a force inaccessible to human understanding. As for the Star Maker's relationship to his creation, love has nothing to do with it. But as original a work of theological romancing as *Star Maker* is, it is not merely idiosyncratic. In 1934, Olaf read one of the landmarks of modern theology, Rudolf Otto's *Idea of the Holy*, and found a kindred spirit. He was soon recommending Otto's concept of the "numinous" or radically "other" nature of divinity and telling people that awe was the central religious emotion, "a corrective to the much commoner idea that the essence of religion is the conviction of the deity's friendliness."[39]
39. *PL*, vol. 2, p. 460. *The Idea of the Holy* is on a list of books read at the back of OS's 1933–34 diary (SA). On the impact of Dante on *Star Maker*, see Robert Scholes, *Structural Fabulation: An Essay on Fiction of the Future* (Notre Dame, Ind: Notre Dame Univ. Press, 1975), 64–66, and chap. 4, "Divine Tragedy," of Patrick A. McCarthy's *Olaf Stapledon* (Boston: Twayne, 1982).

He adds a Wordsworthian aside on development — “Youth perhaps is most sensitive to the numinous in particulars (Wordsworth said so) but I am not sure; but as we mature we may respond more deeply to the numinous aspect of our whole experience” — the hedge is his own, kept in the manuscript. The sheet names no poem, but with the Intimations of Immortality ode now held, the natural referent can at least be read beside the aside (the identification remains ours). What “Wordsworth said” is the Ode’s famous doctrine: “Heaven lies about us in our infancy!”; the Child is the “best Philosopher”; and then the fading — “At length the Man perceives it die away, / And fade into the light of common day.” But the aside’s second half — maturity responding “more deeply” to the numinous in the whole — is also in the poem, as its own consolation: “We will grieve not, rather find / Strength in what remains behind,” in “the philosophic mind,” under an eye “That hath kept watch o’er man’s mortality.” If the Ode is what he meant, his gentle correction of Wordsworth moves within the poem’s own arc — he doubts the stanzas everyone quotes and keeps the turn the poem itself makes; what he leaves behind is the doctrine, the pre-existence myth (“trailing clouds of glory do we come / From God, who is our home”) being exactly the consoling metaphysics sheet 28 will forbid. The Ode was, moreover, standard equipment in precisely this debate: Julian Huxley’s Religion Without Revelation quotes its “obstinate questionings” stanza — “Blank misgivings of a Creature / Moving about in worlds not realised” — as evidence for the natural religious experience (§4), so the aside would have landed on ground the 1927 literature had prepared. He then adds a section on communal worship (sheet 25), distinguishing “mere herd feeling” (gregarious excitement at the crowd’s own presence) from genuine “community in the presence of the Other”: “Together we face God… I, the crowd, face God, the Other. I, the individual, bow, not to the herd, but to God.” Given that fascism’s liturgies of the herd were rising across Europe as he spoke, this distinction between crowd-intoxication and communal worship is quietly political.

Wordsworth, Intimations Ode (1807) ↗ · stanza 8 · stanza 11 · stanza 13 · stanza 12 — quoted passages in context
Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting: The Soul that rises with us, our life's Star, Hath had elsewhere its setting, And cometh from afar: Not in entire forgetfulness, And not in utter nakedness, But trailing clouds of glory do we come From God, who is our home: Heaven lies about us in our infancy! Shades of the prison-house begin to close Upon the growing Boy, But he beholds the light, and whence it flows, He sees it in his joy; The Youth, who daily farther from the east Must travel, still is Nature's Priest, And by the vision splendid Is on his way attended; At length the Man perceives it die away, And fade into the light of common day.
Thou, whose exterior semblance doth belie Thy Soul's immensity; Thou best Philosopher, who yet dost keep Thy heritage, thou Eye among the blind, That, deaf and silent, read'st the eternal deep, Haunted for ever by the eternal mind,— Mighty Prophet! Seer blest! On whom those truths do rest, Which we are toiling all our lives to find, In darkness lost, the darkness of the grave; Thou, over whom thy Immortality Broods like the Day, a Master o'er a Slave, A Presence which is not to be put by; Thou little Child, yet glorious in the might Of heaven-born freedom on thy being's height, Why with such earnest pains dost thou provoke The years to bring the inevitable yoke, Thus blindly with thy blessedness at strife? Full soon thy Soul shall have her earthly freight, And custom lie upon thee with a weight, Heavy as frost, and deep almost as life!
Then sing, ye Birds, sing, sing a joyous song! And let the young Lambs bound As to the tabor's sound! We in thought will join your throng, Ye that pipe and ye that play, Ye that through your hearts to-day Feel the gladness of the May! What though the radiance which was once so bright Be now for ever taken from my sight, Though nothing can bring back the hour Of splendour in the grass, of glory in the flower; We will grieve not, rather find Strength in what remains behind; In the primal sympathy Which having been must ever be; In the soothing thoughts that spring Out of human suffering; In the faith that looks through death, In years that bring the philosophic mind. And O, ye Fountains, Meadows, Hills, and Groves, Forebode not any severing of our loves! Yet in my heart of hearts I feel your might; I only have relinquished one delight To live beneath your more habitual sway. I love the Brooks which down their channels fret, Even more than when I tripped lightly as they; The innocent brightness of a new-born Day Is lovely yet; The Clouds that gather round the setting sun Do take a sober colouring from an eye That hath kept watch o'er man's mortality; Another race hath been, and other palms are won. Thanks to the human heart by which we live, Thanks to its tenderness, its joys, and fears, To me the meanest flower that blows can give Thoughts that do often lie too deep for tears.
O joy! that in our embers Is something that doth live, That Nature yet remembers What was so fugitive! The thought of our past years in me doth breed Perpetual benediction: not indeed For that which is most worthy to be blest; Delight and liberty, the simple creed Of Childhood, whether busy or at rest, With new-fledged hope still fluttering in his breast:— Not for these I raise The song of thanks and praise But for those obstinate questionings Of sense and outward things, Fallings from us, vanishings; Blank misgivings of a Creature Moving about in worlds not realised, High instincts before which our mortal Nature Did tremble like a guilty thing surprised: But for those first affections, Those shadowy recollections, Which, be they what they may Are yet the fountain-light of all our day, Are yet a master-light of all our seeing; Uphold us, cherish, and have power to make Our noisy years seem moments in the being Of the eternal Silence: truths that wake, To perish never; Which neither listlessness, nor mad endeavour, Nor Man nor Boy, Nor all that is at enmity with joy, Can utterly abolish or destroy! Hence in a season of calm weather Though inland far we be, Our Souls have sight of that immortal sea Which brought us hither, Can in a moment travel thither, And see the Children sport upon the shore, And hear the mighty waters rolling evermore.
Huxley, Religion Without Revelation (1927) ↗ · ¶ 222 — quoted passage in context
. . . Not for these I raise The song of thanks and praise ; But for those obstinate questionings Of sense and outward things, Fallings from us, vanishings ; Blank misgivings of a Creature Moving about in worlds not realised, High instincts before which our mortal Nature Did tremble like a guilty thing surprised. —William Wordsworth, *Ode on Intimations of Immortality*.

(c) Rational considerations. He distinguishes “pettifogging rationalism” — dogmatic, craving certainty and slick interpretation, accepting human reason and current science uncritically, tending “to deny what it cannot cope with” — from the “Larger Rationalism,” whose spirit is “Reasonableness rather than rationality” and which “does not mistake probability for certainty.” Regarding experience in this larger spirit, “we find sheer humanism unsatisfying, because it shuts the windows, draws the blinds, & seeks artificial elegance, oblivious of outer night & the stars. Instead, we boldly go out into the darkness — and we find the superhuman everywhere”: the magnitudes of astronomy (“aeons, expanding space, gigantic inconceivables, Relativity, star-dust”), the minutiae of subatomic physics, the “overwhelming sense of the Vast Inhuman — & that all our knowledge of it is mythical.” And the story of evolution — “its length, wastefulness, precariousness, chanciness; its progressive release of potentiality; its incomprehensibility — & ourselves as moments in it.” The margin distills his anthropology: “conviction that — man is transitional & scarcely a beginning — even, But doomed?” The Great Other includes Man; our own awareness is “the chief mystery for us”; and a second margin presses the point — “but our mystery reaches beyond the human sphere” (he first wrote “has a significance” and struck it, sharpening assertion into reach) — “our striving toward spirituality.”

Then the self-limitation that separates his position from doctrinal theism (sheet 28): the larger rationalism that points beyond humanism “should also restrain us from all doctrine.” We may be tempted to say “surely then there must be a God — a personal God, & benevolent — & therefore all is well, immortality etc etc. But we must not. We must outgrow the craving for security & the desire to have salvation.” What may we say? Only this — the sentence this analysis has treated throughout as the centre of his work, the sentence that contains Star Maker in embryo:

“I am aware of an unspeakable Beauty, & Majesty, which I salute though it destroy me. I can say no more about it, but only about its effects on me.”

(“& Majesty” is a diagonal insertion in the manuscript — an amplification added over the line, not an alternative to “Beauty”; and the sentence originally began with a “that” he struck out, leaving the declaration bare.)

And immediately, the double loyalty that defines his ethics: “I am aware also of the claims of altruism, & of the humanistic ideal. These are the objects of practical loyalty. I ought to serve them unswervingly. — Yet — if fate goes against them, if I suffer, if my beloved suffer, if all men are tortured, even if the human race is destroyed — I must salute the Supreme Beauty which I see.” A marginal note beside this passage quietly fuses the two loyalties: “But their final justification is man’s function as worshipper.”

(d) Pragmatic considerations. Having flown that high, he lands on conduct — because his own definition requires superhumanism to “issue in practice.” He first concedes the dangers again (withdrawal, dream-worlds “peopled with abstractions & doctrines,” dogmatism, persecution, soul-saving, mob hysteria) with the stern rider: “these dangers must be guarded against, not run away from.” Then the comparative psychology: humanism at its best gives “generosity, refinement, fortitude — but: aridity? complacency, lack of detachment.” Undoctrinal superhumanism should and can give “a heightened temper of the will, improved muscular tone of the spirit, which makes a subtle difference in conduct, day by day, minute by minute.”

The psychology of this heightened temper (sheet 30): it presupposes sensibility (“the spirit’s eyes must be open”), but what is revealed “awakens the spirit further” — like a sleeper sensitive to sound whom the bell then wakes. The result: “conduct raised to a new plane, a finer adjustment to circumstances” (his homely comparison: “cp. effects of coffee on thought processes”); “we become more able to live with style (instead of sloppily), to get the best out of ourselves; therefore everything seems more worth while; at once more energy & more detachment — more strength for serving the Ideal (the Human Ideal), & more detachment in success & in failure.”

And the deepest psychological point, the one the “sheer Humanist must lack”: detachment not only from self but from Man. “We feel man to be so small, & to be finally instrumental” — instrumental to what? The margin poses the question and then wavers over its answer: “Instrumental to — what?” — “To worship,” he writes, strikes through, and re-enters with an emphatic double underline; then, diagonally, the alternatives spill out: “To apprehending, & enjoying the universe, & thus — contributing? a distinctive beauty.” The question mark belongs to “what?”; the answer was cancelled and then restored with force — the manuscript records not an open question so much as a wavering settled, for that evening, on worship. Out of this humility “comes a new dignity… the dignity which comes of free subordination of oneself to something more admirable.” The humanist can subordinate himself to the human ideal, “but cannot subordinate Mankind — therefore ultimately not even himself” (sheet 31). The superhumanist’s humility yields “a peace which is unshakable & underlies his dread of the holy, his vision of the horror of existence.”

The closing sheets turn this into intellectual hygiene: the mind sensitive to the superhuman has “a deep ‘felt-scepticism’ of human thought — feels its superficiality, its minute scope, its merely mythical character,” and this “should make him in the long run a better thinker than the pure humanist — a more sensitive, supple, cautious one. He will not take fashionable principles too seriously — e.g. 19th-century materialism, 20th-century mentalism (Eddington), psychoanalysis, the Scientific Attitude. But: he must beware of taking theology seriously too — must avoid all doctrine, welcome all hypothesis.” And the final safeguard against irrationalism (sheet 32): “the Other he worships is irrational to him — freakish, terrible, grisly — but it may yet be in itself systematic; the universe may be intelligible, though not to man — & even man may progressively understand, & must try to do so.” Scepticism about human reason, grounded in reverence, issuing in more inquiry, not less. That is the lecture’s last word.

3. The lecture in the ecology of Stapledon’s work

What the full-corpus reading shows about these 34 sheets is how central they are. The lecture sits near the midpoint of his career and states, in discursive form, the axis on which everything else turns.

3.1 Latter-Day Psalms (1914) and the war letters: the conflict in devotional form

Twenty years earlier, the young Stapledon’s first book had already staged this entire debate as a cycle of psalms. The correspondences are almost one-to-one:

The 1914 book oscillates between these voices without adjudicating. The 1934 lecture supplies what the psalms could only dramatize: a logic for the oscillation (humanism sound but insufficient; worship valid but doctrine forbidden). Whether he himself thought of the lecture as settling the psalter no document says — twenty years, a doctorate, an ethics treatise, two novels and a popular philosophy book lie between.

The psalms’ engine survives in his private correspondence too. On 24 March 1914, while writing the book, the 27-year-old Stapledon tried the thought on his cousin Agnes Miller (not yet, in any settled way, his fiancée — the engagement’s chronology is layered: Crossley documents a first acceptance just before the Bangor summer school of late July 1914, “though by mid-August she had changed her mind”; a renewed acceptance by the time he crossed to France on 1 August 1915 — “although the war made theirs a marathon engagement”; and the published letters record the public engagement in November 1915, Agnes proposing it “of your own free will” and Olaf exulting “So now we really are engaged.” Earlier editions of this analysis gave the November 1915 date alone; see ERRATA.md): “You say ‘The Lord is my shepherd; I shall not want’… For you and me and many others it is absolutely true. But for many, perhaps very many, it is by no means true at all… How then shall I complacently say ‘The Lord is my shepherd,’ when they are utterly outside all gentle shepherding?… when we sing that beautiful psalm let it be with an utter humility and fear, knowing that for some unknowable reason we are favoured” (Talking Across the World, ed. Crossley). The moral seriousness that drives the lecture’s “sense of obligation toward others” — and the refusal of any comfortable creed that ignores the unlucky — is already fully formed at twenty-seven, in a love letter.

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 579 · ¶ 604 — quoted passages in context
After this initiation in 1913, the next year's summer school ought to have been even more gratifying. Former students had spread the word and enrollments were larger; Olaf had become fast friends with the summer director, Evan Hughes; and just before he set out for North Wales, Agnes had agreed to marry him (though by mid-August she had changed her mind).[71] On the night of 1 August, he wrote lightheartedly of his climbs up and down the Welsh hills, sketching a map for Agnes of his walking route to Bangor. Only near the end of the letter is there a terse allusion to the wider world: a note of relief that Agnes got out of Paris before "all this war scare."[72] On the second of August, 160 working men and women arrived by train for their holiday of study and writing, and a few hundred miles away throngs in front of the Kaiser's palace cheered as the German army moved swiftly toward Luxembourg. Sitting in his room that evening in a cul-de-sac of the United Kingdom as declarations of belligerency issued from European capitals, Olaf wrote: "We are in the midst of the European crisis & the beginnings of war. It is unimaginable."[73]
Finally on 1 August 1915, with passport and Red Cross badge and a new short haircut, Olaf took his ambulance to France. By then Agnes had at last agreed to marry him—although the war made theirs a marathon engagement—and he was eager to prove his courage, because, under her conservative father's influence, she was expressing doubts about whether relief work was a sufficient response to German aggression. If Olaf had fantasies, however, of breaking in his car with a dramatic assignment to dangerous front-line operations he was quickly introduced to the mundane realities of FAU life. He pulled on heavy blue overalls and spent most of August doing unromantic mechanic's work at the Unit’s garages in Dunkirk, learning the censorship rules that governed outgoing mail, and discovering how heavily time could hang on one’s hands through long periods of the war.[27]
Letters (1913–19) ↗ · ¶ 157 · ¶ 78 · ¶ 79 — quoted passages in context
114 Talking Across the World last night: this morning brings your letter. So now we really are engaged. Agnes and Olaf engaged to be married! How perfeetly glorious. And as to the ring, look you, I shall venture on one no later than tomorrow, guessing the size. If it won’t fit, you must get it altered and debit me with the eost; that is quite often done, I think. I must needs guess also what you would like, but methinks I shall not go very far wide of the mark. But oh Agnes, in the eyes of the world betrothed to be my wife! Why ever did I leave you to do the offieial proposing? Wasn’t it seandalous of me; but you see I had tried so often before, I thought I would give up assaults and sit down patiently to a siege. Egremont TO OLAF 21 November 1915 . . . I wish I eould have a talk with you about the war & war in general. Daddy is so eonfident that we are on the right side & that our ideals are going to eome out triumphant over all evil. It seems miserable to be doubting when he […]
[…] would make it if we were God. Let us not try to persuade ourselves it is, but absolutely accept the evil as a present reality and try to understand, in order to help. ... I must stop this now, though I don’t want to, and have heaps to say. I have been awfully dogmatic, but it is shorter to be dogmatic. I am not really so. March 1914 [Psalms were much on Olaf’s mind, apart from his disagreements with Agnes over the particular psalm he discusses here. He was writing the poems that formed his first published book, which appeared at the end of igi4 with the title Latter-Day Psalms.] University Settlement, TO AGNES 24 March 1914 . . . My dear, I want to talk to you about something, and I don’t know how to explain what I mean. Therefore, since it is difficult, don’t think me an atheist and an ingrate if you don’t see eye to eye with me and if you do not see the bogey that I see. You say “The Lord is my shepherd; I shall not want.” It is good to think of you saying that lovely psalm. I say it also, being also in the green pastures. For you and me and many others it is absolutely true. But for many, perhaps very many, it is by no means true at all. They want always. Their souls are never restored. Goodness and mercy are only words to them. The house of the Lord, whether it be here or elsewhere, they utterly deny. It is not only that they are unshepherded and in physical distress. Strife and hunger has grown to seem to them the natural order, and he who withstands the law of strife is in their eyes a fool. They do not even say “my soul is athirst for God.” The idea of God is utterly incongruous to their lives. That most beautiful psalm is a mockery to them, and they would say of it things that need not be repeated, calling it the thanksgiving of the capitalists. The only kind of psalm they care for is such […]
36 Talking Across the World lord my God, who teacheth my hands to war and my fingers to fight” (our old school psalm, by the way. Oh what a ringing time we had for it too, and how we exulted!). Now my perplexity is this. I needs must accept the darkness of these people as true darkness in their eyes. How then shall I complacently say “The Lord is my shepherd,” when they are utterly outside all gentle shepherding? My dear, you talk about Life and Faith and Love for ever. For us yes, but for these others whose souls are crippled from the beginning, owing to the unwiseness of their fathers and mothers and the whole elder generation? With a fearful vengeance the sins of the fathers are visited on the children. Therefore when we sing that beautiful psalm let it be with an utter humility and fear, knowing that for some unknowable reason we are favoured. But I am talking like this not because I want to cast a shadow on your picture of the world, but because I am coming more and more to hate the frame of mind (which is not yours) that shuts its eyes to evil, and says “All will be well, but this darkness has no place in my picture; blot it out with a vague glory.” These people are cowards. They are afraid to spoil their peace of mind. They are secretly indignant that any nether wailing and gnashing […]
the held text is uncorrected OCR of the print edition, which often confuses c and e (“ehureh” for “church”); the excerpt is shown exactly as held.

A complete pass through the published Stapledon–Miller correspondence (1913–1919) shows, in fact, that nearly every load-bearing element of the 1934 lecture’s religious half was rehearsed in these letters, a full decade before A Modern Theory of Ethics gave it philosophical form (the ethical machinery — fulfilment-of-capacity, the lowbrow/highbrow typology, the intuitionist meta-ethics — had to wait for the 1929 book):

The war years also produced his first public prose statement of the creed-in-embryo (the 1914 Latter-Day Psalms, above, had already put it into published verse). “The Reflections of an Ambulance Orderly,” published in the Quaker weekly The Friend in April 1916 (newly recovered via the Crossley Reader), watches a gas-attack evacuation begin under “Venus and Jupiter… in the twilight” and finds the mature position’s two fixed points already in place: the old grey church, whose “aloofness… seemed a symbol of that consciousness of all humanity which sometimes flashes on the mind to make war ridiculous,” and the closing declaration — “under the shadow of our old grey church, and under the light of the stars, war itself may help a man to a new knowledge of the communion of all men. The spirit that is mankind is mad to-day perhaps; but out of the madness she will come purified wondrously. We, her tiny members, need to be purified with her. That is why we are here.” Community below, stars above, service justified by both: the lecture’s whole architecture, in a war dispatch at twenty-nine.

rare pieces (1908–49) ↗ · ¶ 25 · ¶ 29 · ¶ 35 · ¶ 36 — quoted passages in context
Outside, in front of the old grey church, engines were soon started. The sun had set. Venus and Jupiter shone close together in the twilight. It seemed that those bright spheres could never be theatres of war. Yet what if this earth should after all be the first world to throw off this primeval strife?
The old grey church stood quiet as ever. Its spire dimly soared into grey sky. Its clock tolled the hour deliberately, ringing through the noise of war. The aloofness of the church seemed a symbol of that consciousness of all humanity which sometimes flashes on the mind to make war ridiculous. The quiet church declared peace ultimate, war merely a stage.
Some say that peace can be established only by a passion of goodwill. But may it not be that some are called to that work here and some there? While there is the chance of serving those who nobly suffer through humanity's error we cannot stay at home. Toward these patient, courageous, cheerful, and no doubt misguided fellow-men we extend our "passion of goodwill." Because of our oneness with humanity we dare not hold ourselves apart from the calamity. War is indeed strife of the right hand with the left; it is heart-splitting discord; yet under the shadow of our old grey church, and under the light of the stars, war itself may help a man to a new knowledge of the communion of all men.
The spirit that is mankind is mad to-day perhaps; but out of the madness she will come purified wondrously. We, her tiny members, need to be purified with her. That is why we are here.

One more biographical episode belongs here, because it is the lecture’s ethics enacted. When Agnes finally reached England in 1919 she confessed, on her first day ashore, that she had half fallen in love with an officer on the voyage. The wedding was postponed; the letters resumed. Olaf’s response, recorded in her later letter to her parents, was that this made her “even more worth it than before, because it showed that I was a real human girl & not only the writer of a thousand letters” — and his own letters of those weeks insist “I am stubborn in love… It is solid stone and it will stand.” It is tempting to hear, in this, the man who would tell the South Place audience that worship must be of the real — not of one’s consoling image — practising that discipline on the person he loved most. But the link is conjecture, and the episode is a discipline of jealousy forgiven, not of tragedy accepted; what the letters themselves show is the realism. Whether it stands behind sheet 28’s “if my beloved suffer” the documents do not say.

Letters (1913–19) ↗ · ¶ 416 · ¶ 405 · ¶ 406 — quoted passages in context
[…] Hutehinson (he was one of the offieers who joined the ship at Bombay after six years’ serviee in India) I found him a delightfully understanding & pleasing eompanion & we got on so well together that I didn’t realise until the harm was done that it wasn’t just disinterested friendship I was feeling, but the beginning of real love. You see, it all happened so quiekly, between Bombay & Liverpool. It took me about a fortnight to diseover where I was & then for the last week in the ship I was miserably impatient to be there with Olaf & get away from it all. I felt myself slipping further & further from him & yet I eouldn’t help myself. I was so unhappy about it that I told Olaf all about it at onee—the first day. It must have been an awful blow to him—my poor dear old ehap—but he was wonderful. He might have given me up & thought I wasn’t worth bothering over—but he seemed to think I was even more worth it than before, beeause it showed that I was a real human girl & not only the writer of a thousand letters. He was good to me & so patient & understanding & wise & helpful & loving & when I got to know him as he really is & eould eompare him with Balfour Hutehinson I knew that Olaf was far & away above the other & that if I eould rise to him I should have a happiness as far above. At first it was only a mental eonvietion, but by degrees & slow degrees & often falling baek & elimbing up again my heart followed my mind & now both are as eompletely his as any wife’s would be after being married six weeks today—to the dearest & best husband in the world. Auntie Emmeline & Unele W. & Auntie Nina all know something about it. I told them beeause I eouldn’t bear to be pretending everything was right when it wasn’t. Auntie Emmeline didn’t understand—she was too grieved on Olaf’s aeeount to give me any real help although she was as kind as eould be, but she talked about '‘duty” & “promise” & […]
[…] whose face is a little pale, but sometimes blushes, whose eyes look generally away from me, but sometimes look right into the heart of me. I love a little girl who has the sweetest Australian voice, and certain dear manners of gaiety and gentleness. I love a girl who kept me waiting very long so as to be sure, then was gallantly loyal to me for long years, then lost herself on board ship and now is still all adrift and troubled. Oh I love her all the more for that, for it shows her human, & it has shown me her absolute honesty. I will not let her go. She is the angel and I am Jacob. And what is it you are to love? A cousin of most unremarkable appearance and undashing behaviour? A man who does not seem particularly manlike? A muddler, and no man of action? A philosopher who cannot express his philosophy? Silly girl, can you not see behind all these things to the real me? ... I am stubborn in love. And if late events shook me for a while, I am solid again now, solid love of Agnes & will to be loved by Agnes, 'd am my universe,” said I? Now I say, '‘Agnes is my universe.” She is no narrow universe. She is wide as
the constellations, deep as the First Cause. She is the radiant centre of all things, a sweet and wise comment on all things. . . . [Next day.] Relations up here disapprove of the Reigate marriage, but that can't be helped. It is far best so. Father is keen & Mother acquiesces & the rest must put up with it. What am I to get married in? Do find out what Quaker bridegrooms wear. I am loath to buy a frock coat & never wear it again. I hate such garments. I have a '‘morning" coat, a tailed black thing, which I equally hate. In fact I hate all such respectable things, but one must do as will be expected of the Reigate Friends. What sort of a wedding dress are you having? 363 May 1919 Annery Agnes, 12 May 1919 You must forgive me for writing so many letters. When I am with you I feel I must have my arm round you lest you should desert me. These letters represent my arm. . . . Father and I have been sitting in the drawing room talking politics. He thinks the peace treaty very foolish, & even financially unworkable. He thinks Italy and France are doomed to revolution, but that it is just possible that England's changes may come without sudden violence. Great changes, good and bad, are surely coming. . . . As Father was talking just now I had a sense of the littleness of our present absorbing doubt and anxiety about the "state of your affections." Here is this tumultuous world all round us, and here are we two gifted to help things in our little way, yet still unsure about our own relationship. Why should we doubt any more after all these years? . . . Oh love me, dear, in a special way, our way, quietly but with all your heart, critically but tolerantly, never blindly, always with open eyes and a smile at my weaknesses and at your own. But above all things, dearest friend, don't be disheartened because I am only me and because you find no thrills. Thrills fade. The other love grows and grows. And when you begin to see through the image of me that you still respect and love (though you think you are not in love with me), love me more because you see me through and through. May I do so by you. In these days, my girl, I have felt like Ixion (was it he?) who rolled a great stone up a hill and ever it crashed to the bottom again and ever he began anew. When the stone is firmly on the top you will love me. I am like a man who spent years in building a solid stone house, and lived outside it till it was ready, and he went in and an earthquake shook it terribly. But it is solid stone and it will stand.
the held text is uncorrected OCR of the print edition, which often confuses c and e (“ehureh” for “church”); the excerpt is shown exactly as held.

3.2 A Modern Theory of Ethics (1929): the philosophical machinery

One correction from the biography before the book is opened. Earlier editions of this analysis called A Modern Theory of Ethics Stapledon’s doctoral thesis; Crossley separates the two documents. The doctorate came first and was never published: “Late in 1924 he submitted his doctoral thesis in the area of inquiry now called semiotics,” he took the degree at Liverpool on 5 March 1925, and “The one-word title of his thesis, ‘Meaning,’” — Crossley calls it — “was concise, cryptic, and brazenly inclusive.” The Ethics was a subsequent and separate project, begun on his supervisor’s advice after the degree: “he drafted almost half of A Modern Theory of Ethics by midsummer 1925,” and the book appeared from Methuen in January 1929. So the book is the thesis-trained mind at work, not the thesis in print, and this analysis now says “the 1929 book” where it used to say “the thesis” (see ERRATA.md). The biography also supplies the book’s first audience, and with it the earliest documented rehearsal of the lecture’s whole quarrel. The Liverpool Philosophy Seminar — the biweekly departmental symposium Stapledon kept attending as a postgraduate — “now became the proving ground for the chapters of A Modern Theory of Ethics”; and his own report to Agnes of one session names the fight: it was “mostly me against the rest, about the religious sense.” The dispute South Place heard in December 1934 had been argued for years, against professional philosophers, in the seminar whose whole procedure his supervisor Alexander Mair liked to describe as letting a paper “be tried on the dog.”

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 724 · ¶ 725 · ¶ 730 · ¶ 734 · ¶ 736 · ¶ 685 — quoted passages in context
Shuttling back and forth between elementary WEA classes and the rarefied atmosphere of the Philosophy Seminar at Liverpool University, between political canvassing for Labour causes and library research, Stapledon, in words he used to title an article in the year of his death, was living the life of "a plain man talking about values." And writing about them. Late in 1924 he submitted his doctoral thesis in the area of inquiry now called semiotics.[3] He was two months shy of his thirty-ninth birthday when he presented himself on 5 March 1925 to the vice-chancellor of Liverpool University for his degree. His mind was less on ceremony (which he always hated) than on a lecture he was writing on "Democracy as an Ideal," on the recent thrill of hearing a scratchy performance of Schumann and a clear reading of the news on a neighbor's radio, and on an exhibition and sale he and Agnes were planning at their house the following week for his old Ambulance Unit friend, the nearly destitute Eric Robertson.[4] At the high moment of his investiture as a philosopher, Dr. Stapledon was, typically, in the midst of an energetic, many-sided life.
The one-word title of his thesis, "Meaning," was concise, cryptic, and brazenly inclusive, for the author saw himself working "at the point where psychology, physical science, logic, and epistemology are united."[5] The topic was lively and controversial among philosophers of the period, perhaps most visibly in C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards's 1923 *The Meaning of Meaning*, with which Stapledon sustains a running argument in his thesis. An admirer of his later fiction and philosophy, looking for traces of the work to come, can discern a familiar intellectual style in the 433 pages of critical summary and technical analysis of competing views of how (and whether) we make sense of the world: "So called 'false' meanings are always true meanings, within a certain system, but no meanings at all in the system in which they are falsely taken to be meanings," or "The only fully intelligible universe is a monistic universe. It does not, however, follow that the universe really is fully intelligible." At such moments the thesis writer prefigures the creator of alternate universes in *Darkness and the Light* and the agnostic narrator of *Star Maker*. On the very problem of change and continuity, Olaf admitted a rare self-conscious joke: "I, who as a child nibbled a jam tart and said I didn't, am in some sense the same I who now nibble at philosophy."[6]
Meanwhile Olaf took Mair’s advice and began his first book, on a topic few English philosophers were inclined to pursue: the impact of psychology on ethics in the disenchanted aftermath of the Great War. In a burst of energy, he drafted almost half of *A Modern Theory of Ethics* by midsummer 1925. Then, on a visit to Oxford, he awoke to the realities of academic employment in a faltering economy for an older candidate working on an unfashionable topic:
Discouraged as he was by the academy's indifference to him, Olaf continued to find outlets for his philosophical ideas and to experiment with new modes of expression. As a postgraduate in the Liverpool Extension but with no other department to call his home, he still participated in Mair's Philosophy Seminar, where he had first worked out the issues for his doctoral thesis. The Seminar—a biweekly, yearlong symposium on a single topic attended by the staff and graduate students in the department—now became the proving ground for the chapters of *A Modern Theory of Ethics* and for the bold speculations of the work that would define Stapledon's career, *Last and First Men*. In 1927–1928 the seminar studied Whitehead's *Science and the Modern World* d addressed the question: "What is the bearing of scientific discovery upon the problems of philosophy?” It was an issue tailor-made for Olaf who, while working on his thesis, had become deeply fascinated by the intersections between philosophy and the physical and behavioral sciences.
Not ordinarily the most active discussant, Olaf sat through Seminar meetings with a nearly expressionless face, seldom giving away his position unless provoked. At forty, slim and pink-cheeked, with an unruly mop of blond hair and alert pale blue eyes, he looked ageless and a little inhuman. When he spoke up—especially if his own work was under discussion—he slipped into the funereal tones and exaggerated politeness he adopted whenever he felt self-conscious. Neither flamboyant nor aggressive, Stapledon’s measured arguments suggested a mind operating on an entirely different frequency from anyone else’s. His mind was absorbent and generous enough to take in viewpoints very different from his own, but he came at topics from an angle that often led to controversy. One day, he told Agnes, it was “mostly me against the rest, about the religious sense.” Rejecting anthropocentric assumptions, he would ask how any decision should be judged in relation to the nature and purposes of the universe. Determined to make terrestrial acts confront ultimate reality, to set the human microcosm against the backdrop of an unfathomable macrocosm, he took a philosophical stance that seemed visionary—or cockeyed. On days when he held the floor and argued issues that were close to him, he came home exhilarated and exhausted.[16]
Stapledon found seminar papers hard to write because they required compressing ideas into a neat thirty-minute presentation when he wanted to arrive at "epoch-making conclusions." He would work night and day to produce 10,000-word essays that he then had to cut by two-thirds, often feeling that the result looked like "a most wildly speculative effort." Mair urged Olaf not to trim the venturesome and speculative ideas from his papers but to let them "be tried on the dog" (as he liked to describe the process of reading a paper to the seminar); making a respectable thesis of them would come later.[42] By term's end Stapledon felt intellectually secure enough to declare for a Ph.D. Dissatisfied with what he saw as the rationalist excesses of orthodox Freudianism, he altered his topic from the psychological study of symbols to a philosophical analysis of the problem of meaning.

The lecture’s conceptual vocabulary is that 1929 book compressed for a lay audience:

A complete read of the book (not just the famous chapters) shows the 1934 lecture is a compression of the whole, not a later development. Chapter I already stages the lecture’s occasion: disillusion breeding substitute faiths — nationalism analysed as sham worship, war as “the supreme religious rite of sacrifice to their romantic god,” enlistment “in response to herd-suggestion — with no more loyalty than sheep who follow their leader” — under the diagnosis “an age of increasing scepticism is also an age of increasing fanaticism.” Chapter III already derives worship from the object rather than the worshipper: “we ought not, and indeed we cannot, worship in order to fulfil ourselves” (with the instant trademark hedge, “Perhaps this is mere superstition”). Chapter VIII contains the finished anti-Freud weapon, the Joan of Arc set-piece, which multiplies rival reductions (Freud, Adler, herd instinct, thwarted parenthood) until “their very plausibility should make us suspect that no one of them is the truth.” And the real discovery is chapter XIII, “Reality and Admiration” — the unread bridge from ethics to the numinous, where nature-admiration divides into aesthetic and a second kind that “might be called religious,” located exactly where the lecture locates it, “in our admiration of the star-strewn sky,” where “we may have an overwhelming sense that we are confronted by the very face of nature.” The lecture’s verb is already there: “We salute them for being, whatever their form, veritable features of the face of reality.”

A Modern Theory of Ethics (1929) ↗ · ¶ 14 · ¶ 15 · ¶ 18 · ¶ 39 · ¶ 144 · ¶ 245 · ¶ 249 — quoted passages in context
4 A MODERN THEORY OF ETHICS uncongregated), there was no ethical problem in the plain man’s mind. Spiritual advisers told him what was good, and he accepted their verdict, in theory, if not in practice. Love was the good ; and the plain man accepted it as the good, not because he saw that it was so, but because the churches said that God had said: that it was so. Even before the war, however, very many had already ceased to take their professed religion seriously, even on the side of theory. The startling and bracing discoveries _of science began to make us incredulous of the old teaching, even if also far too credulous of the new. But perhaps the main effect of science was that it made the old hopes look trite and even childish. For the doctrine of science was austere ; while the doctrine of the old faith was by now padded over with comfortable devices. Comfort cannot stir us to loyalty. Thus, while to some the orthodox view was merely unbelievable, to others, though they accepted it as true, it had ceased to be commanding. Consequently, while in some quarters there was a purely intellectual scepticism, in others there was a purely emotional dis- illusionment. Elsewhere these two dissatisfactions were combined. And so the ethical questions began to whisper themselves in many minds. Those who felt most strongly the objective validity of the good-bad distinction but had lost the old faith, craved most eagerly an ethical theory not incompatible with their new cosmology. Those who were still intuitively convinced that love was the best thing in the world, sought some justification other than the word of a God whose existence they were beginning to doubt. Then came the war. It gave us something large to do and vivid to think. It pushed those doubts from the focus of our attention. Already in the years before the war the only vivid and widespread ideal was nationalism, and patriotism was the only compelling religion. The one _ thing bigger than themselves which most men could both believe in and care for was their ‘country’; and they readily accepted the war as the supreme religious rite of sacrifice to their romantic god. It is true, of course, that the motives that led men to
THE NEED FOR ETHICS 5 fight were diverse. Not in all, perhaps not in many, was this strictly religious impulse the main factor. Many, no doubt, went simply to stamp out a conflagration that seemed to threaten their homes and all whom they loved. Some, on the other hand, went to escape the tyranny of the economic mill; some to escape mere boredom ; some to be quit of their families or their friends ; some to assert their manhood in the eyes of women. The white feather flicked their self-esteem, and drove them to accept without enthusiasm the sacrament imposed by the only living orthodox faith, the faith in nationalism. But these, who fought primarily for their own good name and not for the romantic ideal, would never have been herded into khaki had they not assumed that to shirk this ordeal was in fact shameful. Self-pride alone will not force normal persons to swim Niagara or swallow poison. They must feel that the deed is expected of them, and rightly expected. They must expect it of themselves. In fact, they must feel that to serve in the cause really is obligatory on all self- respecting persons. They must admit the ‘ ought’, even though they fulfil it only for self-pride. Of course, there were many who went to the front for no reason whatever, but in response to herd-suggestion—with no more loyalty than sheep who follow their leader. But how did that suggestion ever come into being ? It arose amongst those for whom ‘duty’ was a meaningful word, who judged, however reluctantly, that there is something other than the person of each that has a ‘ claim’ on each because of its intrinsic goodness. Some of us, perhaps, are over cynical about the war, or at least about the motives of those who fought. For we incline to forget that, in an age when the spur and the comfortable promises of religious faith were both of them less compelling than of old, when the objectivity of good was doubted and the hope of immortality fading, men freely gave themselves for the only ideal which seemed to claim them. As the religious faiths waned, the national faiths waxed. Traditions of national dignity, righteous- ness, and might seemed less improbable than the doctrines
8 A MODERN THEORY OF ETHICS however crude, however rationally indefensible, is felt to be better than no ideal at all. Both these movements owe their strength in part to a -dread of doubt that increases as doubt becomes more insistent. Both win adherents by satisfying the craving for activity in a cause conceived as objectively important. This phobia of uncertainty is perhaps also one source of the increase of the cruder kinds of religious fanaticism. In this case, of course, as in the others, one motive is the desire for mere personal salvation, in this world or another ; but it can scarcely be questioned that the average fanatic, of whatever persuasion, does honestly feel that it is supremely important, not merely for him but for the world, that the flood of doubt be dammed, and that his policy be followed as the only means to world-salvation. And thus it happens that an age of increasing scepticism is also an age of increasing fanaticism. Very many persons have desperately shut their eyes and swallowed whole whatever comforting or commanding creed was available. They have willingly exposed themselves to religious suggestion, or political suggestion, till in time they have attained a real, but artificial, state of faith. On the other hand, an increasing number have definitely freed them- selves from every kind of theological allegiance ; while on the political side also there are signs of a growing dis- illusionment with established social ideals. Thus in both spheres, religious and political, it is lip-service that wanes ; faith and frank unfaith alike increase. It is not surprising that in an age of intellectual perplexity men should take refuge either in irrational dogma or in a hand-to-mouth pursuit of pleasure. And mere pleasure- seeking is evidently an increasing fever to-day. The old-fashioned, unreasoned restraints are being removed ;. and there is an unabashed claim to free life, free thought, and even ‘free love’; in short for the free ‘ creative’ exercise of all human faculties. In literature and art, war is waged against authority and restraint. We are familiar with the crusade for spontaneity, instinct, the subconscious, and with the cult of the creative and non-rational “ life
CRITICISM OF THE THEORY 29 or philosophical spirit. Even he who should make his aim the advancement of human culture would have missed the mark. He, perhaps, comes nearer to the true spirit who feels obscurely just that the world ought to be known and understood, that the universe itself cries out in him for this completion, and that he and all mankind are justified in these pursuits, not primarily because these activities fulfil man, but because, in some slight degree, they fulfil the universe. The artist also seems to be most true to his calling when he feels that he, and all mankind, owes, in some sense, loyalty to the aesthetic objects, even if they are objects which happen to be created by his own mental activity. Perhaps this is mere superstition. At a later stage I shall venture on a more detailed but highly speculative inquiry into this suggestion. But, meanwhile, whether it can be rendered intelligible or must finally be abandoned as an unjustified projection of our own cravings, the actual experience of the value of scientific, artistic, and philo- sophical activities certainly has this flavour of objectivity ; and, consequently, we cannot but suspect that this kind of value is not fully explained by the self-fulfilment theory. Many who hold the ethical theory under discussion would agree with the view that the universe itself demands completion in us in worshipful contemplation. But they would also insist that this claim only applies to us because in worshipful contemplation we fulfil ourselves, or begin to fulfil ourselves. This is surely perverse. It may be true that we fulfil ourselves in this activity, which may be called worship; but we ought not, and indeed we cannot, worship 7m order to fulfil ourselves. If worship fulfils us, it does so as being the attitude demanded in us by an intrinsic value. That value isnot to be judged worshipful merely for the very reason that the worship of it fulfils us. (C) THE AMBIGUITY OF ‘ SELF’ It is true that primarily what we call good is the fulfil- ment of needs felt as our own needs, felt as needs within
134 A MODERN THEORY OF ETHICS manners which happened to fulfil his own private capacity for companionship. In this fanciful case, then, love is the outcome not simply of private needs but of needs discovered by the lover through his cognition of the world. This, doubtless, is but the ideal type of love, which is never attained in practice. But it must be insisted that all actual love has something in it of this nature. In this account, however, there is danger of overlooking the simple essential nature of love itself. It is true that in the ideal love the lover must judge that the beloved’s character is that which is demanded by, or is appropriate to, the world, and not merely that which is appropriate to his private cravings. But as was said above, love itself consists in valuing the beloved for her own sake, not for the world’s sake. It is the espousal of the needs of an active substance in the same direct manner as one espouses the needs of his own person. In extreme cases this may entail the rejection of the claims of all other active sub- stances, just as in extreme egoism the espousal of the personal self may entail rejection of all other selves. Neither personal affection, then, nor those more complex social conations, which entail the apprehension of society as a system of minds, can be simply reduced to any specific innate tendency of the primitive individual, or to any complex of tendencies of the primitive individual. Social conations cannot, for instance, be fully accounted for as manifestations of ‘herd instinct’, nor as symbolical fulfilment of sex instinct or parental instinct. Nor, I venture to think, can they be fully accounted for even in terms of the highly complex system of inherited dispositions expounded for instance by Dr. Drever.+ Let us, for example, briefly consider the case of Joan of Arc, as an instance of extreme, yet apparently authentic, social-mindedness. A detailed account of her life can certainly be given in terms of instinct satisfaction. Indeed, various highly coherent and mutually exclusive accounts can be offered ; so many accounts, in fact, that their very plausibility should make us suspect that no one of them is 1Cf. Instinct in Man, p. 169.
“ REALITY AND ADMIRATION 235 organized, company of the forty million minds of England. And the rudimentary trace of objective organism which hopeful observers can detect in the human race, also demands admiration so far as it exists, and service in so far as it is yet only potential. But what of the mountains, lakes, and clouds, and the whole company of nature’s beauties? These are not themselves single organisms, though they may conceivably be compounded of primitive physical organisms. So far are they from being single organisms that they are not even single organizations, as a nation is, and the human race might become. Are we to suppose, then, that natural beauties, which are not unities of being but only of appear- ance, claim our admiration as an organism claims it? Or is the Wordsworthian view mere sentimentalism ? Professor Whitehead holds that the Romantic Movement was justified in feeling that in admiring nature we apprehend an intrinsic value. ‘Nature,’ he says, ‘cannot be divorced from its aesthetic values’ ;! and ‘these values arise from the cumulation, in some sense, of the brooding presence of the whole on to its various parts.’ What precisely can be meant by such a statement ? An adequate discussion of our admiration of nature is not possible here. But I would hazard the guess that it involves two very different activities. We are apt to regard a landscape both as a pattern of sensory qualities, of colour, volume, texture, and so on, and also as in some sense the face of nature herself, as features expressive of an underlying spirit. The former is strictly aesthetic admiration, the latter might be called religious. The former is typified by the artist’s manipulation of abstracted natural features for the construction of a true aesthetic unity, and is carried to its logical conclusion perhaps in the most ‘abstract’ art. The latter is experienced most purely perhaps in our admiration of the star-strewn sky. Here the strictly aesthetic experience is slight, but we may have an overwhelming sense that we are confronted by the very face of nature. In the former experience, I should 1 Science and the Modern World, p. 122.
REALITY AND ADMIRATION 239 (D) SUMMARY I would summarize this whole very speculative discussion as follows. There is a sense in which the ideal, the good, is the greatest possible actualization of the potentiality of all that exists, the fullest expression of the nature of the world. This, owing to emergence, is more nearly achieved the more there is organization. The ideal, therefore, is the realization of potentiality upon the highest possible plane of organism. No organism, however, fulfils its whole capacity unless it is contemplated and justly admired ; since in being contemplated and admired it co-operates in the emergent activity of the subject-object whole. The abstract form of the ideal is, therefore, that continuously victorious activity, on the part of all organisms on all planes, be continuously and justly admired in all their aspects by all psychic subjects of sufficient capacity for this task. In admiring the features of nature, we appreciate them partly for their accidental human associations, but also for the fragmentary ‘ abstract’ beauty, or unity in diver- sity, which we discover in them. Possibly one cause of our love of nature is that we inherit sensory and perceptual capacities. which are themselves the product of nature’s age-long operation upon our ancestors. What more natural than that we should delight in the perceptual environment to which we are best adapted ? What more natural than that the modern urban and industrial environment should not be perceptually appropriate, and therefore not immedi- ately pleasing? What more natural than that, as we become better adapted to urban life, we should begin to discover new and unexpected beauties in the gloom and glare and angular precision of city percepts? But there is another element in our attitude to nature’s features. We salute them for being, whatever their form, veritable features of the face of reality. And this is sometimes true also of our reaction to the civic environment; for even city life, after all, is a feature of reality. Finally, in so far as we find in nature hints of formal unity-in-diversity,

One divergence is instructive: the 1929 book still asserts doctrine — “since this supreme excellence presents itself as claiming our worship, we are under obligation to worship it,” and even that admiration metaphysically fulfils the object. The 1934 lecture keeps the experience and the book’s own “strict agnosticism” while renouncing the obligation-claim — practising the abstinence the book only preached. What the lecture adds beyond that is Otto’s word numinous and the situation of 1934: the argument now has to survive not just G. E. Moore’s objections but Freud’s, Marx’s, and Mussolini’s.

A Modern Theory of Ethics (1929) ↗ · ¶ 283 · ¶ 282 — quoted passages in context
ECSTASY AND ETHICAL THEORY 273 more unified mind. In a still more microscopic sphere, the sphere of our own individual endeavour, this must be ever the supreme practical aim to which all other and more easily espoused aims must be in the last resort subordinate ; although these also are intrinsic goods which depend for their value upon no ulterior end. (For we have ever insisted that each biological individual is a ground of intrinsic good, whether it co-operates upon a higher plane or not.) Such, we said, must be the ideal, and such its relation to our daily lives. But now we must admit that over-reach- ing this whole realm of value, aloof even from the fulfilment of the cosmos itself as a biological individual with an ‘internal’ environment, is excellence or fulfilment of another kind, which we appreciate most easily in our own poor works of art, but which we sometimes seem to appre- hend as an attribute of the universe itself as a whole. The general system of our knowledge does not by any means confirm the deliverance of ecstasy. It were there- fore dishonest and mere ‘ wish-fulfilment’ to claim that the ecstatic judgment were true. But if our knowledge does not confirm it, neither does it positively deny it. We are therefore entitled to the hope that it is true. And since this supreme excellence presents itself as claiming our worship, we are under obligation to worship it ; even while we are also under obligation not to lose sight of the fact that we cannot be sure of the validity of the ecstatic judgment. But however this be, we may assert confidently that, whether the whole of things has this supreme character or not, it ought to have. And such an assertion is, to say the least, not unimportant. Finally, remembering the argument which suggests that the act of admiration itself constitutes a fulfilment of the object admired, we must surmise that, if the universe has in fact such hyper-biological unity as ecstasy seems to discover, then worship, even on the part of such microscopic beings as ourselves, is not utterly futile. But if the wild speculations of these last three chapters are wholly mistaken, as is all too likely, yet we are on
272 A MODERN THEORY OF ETHICS is the sane course. For the upshot of our discussion is just that, though we have come to some conclusion as to what the deliverance of ecstasy is, and have found a means of reconciling our theory with this unique experience, we have no reason for believing its unique deliverance save its own cogency. Therefore, while we accept it thankfully as in fact the supremely satisfying experience of life, and seek to relate it within the general system of our knowledge in some manner which neither denies the truth of its deliverance nor wrecks the system, we must ever remember that minds believe too easily what they earnestly desire to believe ; and therefore we must discount much of the cogency of ecstasy, and suspect our attempts to show its validity. We must, in fact, maintain a strict agnosticism with regard to it. But something positive does transpire from this dis- cussion. We have indeed no clear evidence that the deliverance of ecstasy is true, that ecstasy is not merely a ridiculous trick played on us by our own little-understood constitution ; but whether there is a valid object for it or not, this emotion is the emotion that would be appropriate to a universe which did in fact possess such an excellence as we seem to discover in it. If ecstasy is not evidence of an actual attribute of the universe, it at least suggests an attribute that a universe must have, if it is to be ideal. It must have this hyper-teleological, quasi-aesthetic excel- lence, which when we experience it, commands our worship. For this supratemporal perfection of form, and no mere success of temporal striving, is seen to be the extreme of that which in more familiar spheres we call ‘ fulfilment of teleological activity ’, and ‘ good’. At an earlier stage we said that the ideal was that the whole universe should achieve organism, and progressively fulfil its capacity upon the highest of all emergent levels. All our human endeavour, we said, however microscopic its scope, must be controlled in relation to that end. And clearly the only way for us as a race to serve in this cosmical task is to strive to organize our tiny planet and facilitate, if may be, the development of ever richer, subtler and

An unpublished typescript from the same workbench — “Thoughts on the Modern Spirit” (c. 1928, never printed in his lifetime; recovered July 2026 via the Crossley Reader) — shows how deliberately the lecture’s cultural argument was designed. It maps the aftermath of the science-versus-romance conflict into four movements: romantic retreat; “romance reformed,” the militant faith in Life and Man (Meredith, Shaw, Wells — precisely the lecture’s humanism, already diagnosed as “the modern, popular, and social-democratic form of Calvinism”); disillusion; and a fourth mood of “disinterested admiration.” Six years before South Place the vocabulary is fixed: the mood is to be understood “not as doubtful evidence that ‘God is on our side’… but as a spontaneous salutation”; its adepts “crouch before the serpent of eternity not in horror merely, but in ecstasy”; they “suddenly fall in love with [the world], fall into worship of it, admire in it a severity incomparably more desirable than the sweetness they had demanded of it”; and man’s office is “to strive toward ever clearer percipience… always for the end which our fathers called worship.” Even the lecture’s tonal discovery — that the salute must survive humour — is here: “Without bitterness, and with no need for shame, we can deride the thing we most adore.” And the essay states, more nakedly than anywhere else in the corpus, the biographical route in: the modern religious experience “is itself the unexpected outcome of disillusion. Only by way of despair and a subsequent detachment can we attain this experience in its purity, and distinguish it from the mere conviction that the heavens care for us.”

rare pieces (1908–49) ↗ · ¶ 59 · ¶ 83 · ¶ 75 · ¶ 76 · ¶ 78 · ¶ 77 · ¶ 51 — quoted passages in context
One poet of the movement is Meredith, with his devotion to the Spirit of Earth. And he also links it both with earlier romanticism and with a later classicism. He admired nature less for her appearance, as Wordsworth did, than for her vitality. And man he admired less for his individuality, as Browning did, than for being Earth's self-conscious intelligence. But Meredith is more than an apostle of the faith in Earth and Man. His Comic Spirit gropes towards the mood of detachment which I shall presently describe. Meanwhile we may note in Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells the same dualism of good and evil grounded in the dynamic nature of life, the same fervent championship, the same sense that man's real importance lies not in his individuality but in his instrumentality to the achievement of a goal which he himself has not yet clearly conceived. These writers have contributed to the faith which inspires militant "Labour" today, which distinguishes so sharply between the elect and the damned, which claims from the individual a puritanical loyalty to a certain social ideal or formula, which in fact is the modem, popular, and social-democratic form of Calvinism. Shaw, like Meredith, is saved by humour from rigid sectarianism, and gropes sometimes beyond the moral view; but Wells is more strictly confined within his faith. Bertrand Russell in his social writings, and in spite of his professed ethical scepticism, sometimes assumes the mood of righteous indignation; but though he renders allegiance to the ideal of cultural development he is also detached, and capable of dispassionate salutation.
But whatever be the truth of these matters, this kind of experiencing, the deliverance of which certainly appears to many modem minds as the supreme good, calls for close attention to-day. For surely it is significant that though the dominant mood of our time is disillusion, our disillusion is strangely flecked with this other, seemingly contradictory, mood of admiration. In times of optimistic faith disinterested admiration is blended with, and indistinguishable from, gratitude toward a divine benefactor; but in times of disillusion it stands out sharply from its background. Thus we may conceive it not as doubtful evidence that "God is on our side," that the universe is after all kindly disposed to us, but as a spontaneous salutation. Our task, then, is to single it out from all that has hitherto confused it, and to recognise that, whatever its true intellectual significance, it is itself an intuition of a value which eclipses all other values. Certainly we must criticise it by bringing to bear on it all the material and instruments of modem knowledge. Certainly we must disentangle it from all the fair myths that have been woven round it. Certainly we must recognise that it offers no comfort, no hope, to our more primitive human longings. But also, in criticising it, we must develop the experience itself. For to-day there are many who, though they reject all the consolations of the churches as either unbelievable or trite, cannot but recognise in this unique act of the spirit the very essence of religion, and in the deliverance of this experience something indestructible and splendid, something in the light of which all other experience should be interpreted.
There are times in the lives of most men when they wake from the game of private living, and even from the more enthralling intricacy of public service, to see themselves and the whole race of men as dust in a far mightier sport. Some, perhaps, are wholly exempt from such moments; while others, when the blue or grey sky of their world is ripped away like a tent, bury their heads. But some, even while they resent and fear the star's sudden intrusion, are stung into a strange clarity of mind. Even while they see their comforts and defences scattered, and their most admired ends snuffed into irrelevance, even while perhaps they are dissolved in fright, they are thrust into a new and splendid view of things; so that if they were not all the while paralysed with terror they could shout in the zest of amazed admiration. Unlike hares, they crouch before the serpent of eternity not in horror merely, but in ecstasy. After cursing the universe for its seeming mental deficiency, suddenly they recognise that the gods are playing a game very different from man's game, and playing it brilliantly.
Not that they merely swing from pessimism to optimism about their private fortune or their nation's welfare or the future of man; for it must be insisted that this unique enlightenment may occur in the very agony of private defeat or public calamity, even in the terror of death, even in pain, even while they watch the sufferings of their beloveds, or the downfall of their society. Not that their agony is diminished or evaded, but rather that its very intensity wakens them to an aspect hitherto ignored. Not that with the mystics they pierce the veil of sorry phantoms and stand face to face with reality itself in all its reputed benignity. No, they see the very same world that they saw before, but they unexpectedly exult in it. They judge it to be, in some sense which cannot yet be defined, intrinsically excellent or "worthwhile." Having long lived in intimacy with the world, and having ever condemned it for not conforming to their ideal, they suddenly fall in love with it, fall into worship of it, admire in it a severity incomparably more desirable than the sweetness they had demanded of it. And as an actor may enter into the hopes and strivings of his part the more sympathetically just because he appreciates to the full the aesthetic character of the drama, so they now champion the more earnestly the very causes from which they now hold themselves spiritually aloof.
Sometimes in this mood man is regarded as a mere irrelevance; but in a shrewder vision we seem to see that man, sensitive dust that he is, has also his part to play, though not the part he thought. For even the dust is in the picture. When the bright vision is past, and we try to think out its significance, it seems indeed that the office of the human mind must be to strive toward ever clearer percipience, and to master and enrich its own imperfect nature always for the end which our fathers called worship; so that we, tiny and ineffectual players in the gods' game, may at least enter intelligently into the spirit of the game, and admire it not merely so far as it favours the ends of man, but for its own character. But we must not claim that man's discerning admiration and participation is necessary to the full achievement of the cosmos; for man's part after all may be finally tragic, and he may never fulfill his supreme office of worship. But in such experiences of dispassionate appreciation as we already know it does seem to be implied that, if man has any cosmical function whatever, it is at least to strive towards ever finer knowledge and will, whether victoriously or toward the doomed failure which is tragedy. For in this mood, though certainly we have no evidence that man will thus flower, we have strange but sure conviction that, whatever the issue, it will be the right issue, in the eyes of the gods.
Indeed, so well schooled are they in detachment from all that they take most seriously, that their reaction even to the inhuman excellence of the cosmos is not incompatible with laughter. In mere disillusion we laugh at the hollowness of fallen idols; and our laughter is bitter. But in this other mood, so well have we learned the virtue of laughter, that humour is surprisingly infused throughout our admiration. Without bitterness, and with no need for shame, we can deride the thing we most adore.
For the modem kind of religious experience, or if it be preferred the modem substitute for religious experience, is itself the unexpected outcome of disillusion. Only by way of despair and a subsequent detachment can we attain this experience in its purity, and distinguish it from the mere conviction that the heavens care for us. Only when we have countenanced the defeat and even ridicule of the whole enterprise of life upon this planet can we discover that unique splendour and perfection of existence which is more admirable even than life's victory. And because this discovery, coming as it does in the very trough of our disillusion, cannot be assimilated by a pessimistic view, it should perplex us, and should indeed start a ferment of the whole mind.

3.3 Last and First Men (1930): the ideal narrated

The novel, published four years before the lecture, is the lecture’s content run as a two-billion-year simulation:

A full read of the novel’s long middle shows the conflict is not merely announced in chapter I and resolved at the end — it is tested species by species, and several of the tests supply arguments the lecture compresses:

3.4 Last Men in London (1932): the argument as autobiography

The novel Stapledon published two years before the lecture — the Last and First Men sequel in which a far-future Neptunian observer inhabits the mind of an ordinary Englishman, Paul — turns out to stage the lecture’s central battle as a life-story, and it supplies the lecture’s most important word.

The chapter “Paul Devout” dramatizes both sides of the lecture’s Freudian duel at once. Paul, converted by a charismatic priest, has an overwhelming experience of the God of Love: “the whole universe… was manifestly infused with the divine love.” The Neptunian narrator then performs, from inside Paul’s own head, exactly the reduction the lecture will confront at South Place: the “strange familiarity and the delicious consolation” of the vision “were after all but an echo of his own obscure yearning for the tenderness of the breast and the elysium of the womb.” And in the same chapter stands the austere alternative: the Neptunian himself, “who found in this event, and in all existence, overmastering beauty indeed, but for the love-sick human individual no consolation” — and the shrewd diagnosis that the priest’s genuine vision had “another and more austere feature… which he never dared fully to acknowledge, even to himself, since in terms of his own religious dogma it appeared starkly as a vision of superhuman inhumanity.” The lecture’s whole second half is compressed in that sentence. (The novel even ironizes Stapledon’s own juvenilia: Paul’s devout free verse “MEN” is a lightly rewritten psalm from Latter-Day Psalms — the 1914 book demoted to a stage of spiritual adolescence.)

Last Men in London (1932) ↗ · ¶ 135 · ¶ 137 · ¶ 136 · ¶ 132 — quoted passages in context
talking in the priest’s sitting-room, before a fire that radiated optimism, while the landlady’s cat lay asleep on the hearth-rug, Paul had what he considered a real religious experience. The Archangel had been patiently throttling Paul’s doubts. ‘Hang on to this, Paul,’ he said, ‘Love alone matters. And whatever is needed in the world for the existence of love is justified. What kind of a world is it that we actually find around us? I don’t mean your beloved stars and nebulae and your pettifogging laws of nature. No doubt they are marvellous, and all part of God’s house. But they are only the floor-boards. I mean the human world. What do you find there? You find Satan still at large. He always was, and always will be, till time is finished. And why? Because love that has not got to be for ever fighting is no more love than the unborn babe is a man. And so, Paul, we must thank God that, of his great love for us, he made Satan to torment us.’ He paused, then continued: ‘That’s heresy! You see what happens if one thinks too much about these old problems. Think of Christ only. Feel his god-head. Can’t you feel his presence in this room now?’ The Archangel raised his hand and looked at Paul as though listening to angel choirs. For some moments both remained silent. Gradually it came to seem to Paul that the room was all alive, all aglow, all a-murmur with a presence. Was it the presence of this man? Yes, but surely also it was the presence of Jesus. The room? Nay, the universe. The whole universe, it seemed, was somehow gathered into that room, and the whole of it was manifestly infused with the divine love. Everything was warm and bright, tender and true, or else heroically triumphant over an Evil that was not merely defeated but somehow shown never to have been really evil at all. To the adoring Paul it seemed that the very stars and outer universes came flocking into that little room, like lambs, to be comforted by this Shepherd, this supreme Archangel Jesus. They brought with them their little troubles,
he was ‘possessed’. I now found him peering, as it were, into the recesses of his being in search of the source of this feeling, believing that what he would see would be the love-gaze of Jesus. Had he discovered what it was that actually’ possessed’ him, had he come, so to speak, face to face with his Neptunian parasite, his vision would have been shattered, and no doubt he would have taken me for the Devil. But I was at pains to elude detection. Mentally I held my breath, as it were, lest any slight movement of my mind should reveal more of me than that vague’ presence’ which he had so fantastically misinterpreted. It was not easy for me to maintain my immobility, for the spectacle of Paul’s fervour stirred me deeply, both toward pity and toward laughter. For what was it that was happening to him? Apart from the complication of my presence’, which lent a spurious actuality to his vision, his experience was an epitome of the religious history of the First Human Species, a pitiable confusion of factors irrelevant to one another. In the first place Paul, partly through the wealth of cosmic imagery with which I had already drenched him, had indeed come face to face with the majesty of the universe. In the second place he had with Katherine experienced very vividly the great excellence which is called love. But the Christian tradition, working on him through his revered priest, had combined with his own desire so as to persuade him to attribute love to the pitiless universe itself. This confusion was caused partly by a trick played upon him by his own remote past. For the strange familiarity and the delicious consolation and peace which Paul had savoured in this religious moment were after all but an echo of his own obscure yearning for the tenderness of the breast and the elysium of the womb. Henceforth Paul thought of himself as a soldier of Christ. He undertook a campaign of asceticism and general discipline. For instance, he made
their sore feet and their stomachaches, and he, with the magic of his love, cured these little troubles so miraculously that they never had existed at all, save as occasions for his love. Paul and the universes nestled together like little white lambs in the bosom of this Love. Once more it seemed to him that he had made contact with reality, that he had penetrated this time surely to the very heart of the universe. The experience was very wonderful, very strange, yet also mysteriously familiar, with the familiarity of some forgotten existence, an existence so remote that it seemed entirely outside time. It seemed to Paul that an immense energy flooded in upon him. He felt in himself the ancient, the longed-for strength of faith. At last, after all his barren years, he was tense with a new vitality, fully charged, ready to spend himself in a new effulgent life. The smiling, transfigured Archangel laid a hand on Paul’s knee. Paul said, ‘At last I feel Jesus.’ Now while Paul and the Archangel were yielding themselves to this glamorous experience, there was indeed a presence’ with them in the room, though one of a very different nature from that which these two Terrestrial animals themselves had conjured in their imaginations. It was the presence of a man who had seen human species after human species wrest for itself out of chaos some slight amenity and some precarious faith, only to collapse into misery, into despair, often into agony. It was the presence of one who himself looked forward to the impending extinction of Man; who found in this event, and in all existence, overmastering beauty indeed, but for the love-sick human individual no consolation. Strange that it was my presence in Paul’s mind, my coldly scrutinizing presence, that had lent actuality to his sense of union with the God of Love! The exhortation of the priest had made him notice in himself an obscure feeling which had already on earlier occasions fleetingly disturbed him with a sense that in Some way
So it seemed to Paul. But to his Neptunian guest the matter did not appear in the same light. During Paul’s love affair I had of course to put up with much that was tedious and banal, but I had been constantly refreshed by the underlying simplicity and sincerity of the amorous couple. In the new incident, however, I had to watch Paul indulging in a very tiresome self-deception. He allowed his admiration for the person of this young priest to obscure his view of the universe. This aberration was indeed a necessary phase in his growth, a necessary process in the preparation of the experimental culture upon which I was to operate. But it was none the less a tiresome phase for the observer. Not that Paul’s new enthusiasm was wholly misguided. Far from it. Even from the Neptunian point of view, this ‘Archangel’ was indeed in a limited sense a spiritual aristocrat, for undoubtedly he was gifted with a vision and a moral heroism impossible to most of his fellows. But he was an aristocrat debased by circumstance. He had not been able to resist an environment which was spiritually plebeian. Though in his life he faithfully expressed what he called the superhuman humanity of his God, he almost wholly failed to do justice to another and more austere feature of his own vision, a feature which indeed he never dared fully to acknowledge, even to himself, since in terms of his own religious dogma it appeared starkly as a vision of superhuman inhumanity. Paul saw the Archangel often and in many circumstances, in public meetings, at the homes of his followers, and at the boys’ club which the priest had organized for the young ‘rough diamonds’ of his dockland parish. He saw him also at his church services. These impressed Paul in a perplexing manner. He noted, at first with some misgiving, the setting in which they took place, the scant and rather smelly congregation, so uncomprehending, but so obviously devoted to the person of the priest; the debased Gothic architecture and strident coloured windows; the music, so

The war chapters, too, are now confirmed as barely-veiled autobiography by the letters: the episode Stapledon calls Paul’s “nadir of existence” — the ambulance driver who leaves a smashed man in a ditch under shellfire, believing him dead — happened to Stapledon himself on the Marne front in July 1918, and his letter confessing it to Agnes (“I shall remember that man now for many a long day… Can you forgive me?”) is one of the rawest things he ever wrote. The lecture’s insistence that the salute must coexist with, not replace, the “claims of altruism” was not armchair doctrine; he knew exactly what it felt like when practical loyalty failed.

Last Men in London (1932) ↗ · ¶ 237 — quoted passage in context
always one knew that this was but child’s play, not the real thing. During one of these minor disturbances, while Paul was returning to the front with an empty car, and shells were dropping close around him, he saw a figure lying at the road-side, its head badly smashed. Obviously the man was dead, so Paul drove on. But the next car stopped to pick him up, and he was still alive. For months Paul was haunted by that incident, going over it again and again in an agony of shame. It became to him the nadir of his existence. It increased his ludicrous obsession over physical courage. The Division liked its ‘Section Sanitaire Anglaise’. It had come to regard these strayed English no longer with suspicion, but with affection tempered by incredulity. It excused their pacifism as one might excuse a Mohammedan for not eating pork. No doubt in both cases there was some equally remote and fantastic historical explanation. To Frenchmen it was apparently inconceivable that anyone should take pacifism seriously unless it happened to be an element of his religious orthodoxy. For Frenchmen themselves, so the Convoy had long ago discovered, the only serious religion was France, the only orthodoxy uncompromising loyalty to France. If anyone suggested that some policy beneficial to France might not be acceptable to other peoples, these amiable, lucid, but strangely unimaginative Latin children would no doubt charmingly express regret, but would also point out that if the policy was necessary for France, they must support it. The extermination of wild animals by the march of civilization is to be regretted, but no sane man would suggest that civilization should be restricted in order to save them. As to pacifism, anyhow, it was no more practicable in Europe than in the jungle. Thus talked the considerate and very gallant officers of the Division, so respect-worthy in sky-blue and gold. Thus talked the amiable poilus, so devoted to their distant families and the land they should be tilling. And, indeed, all that the troops said about
Letters (1913–19) ↗ · ¶ 357 — quoted passage in context
[…] shell fire. Of eourse I thought he was dead. He was horribly smashed up. Of eourse I ought to have stopped and got out & examined him, but he seemed sueh a fragment of a man that I only slowed down to look at him and then went on. But subsequently he turned out not to be dead, & I myself finally took him to the rear. It is horrible to be guilty of sueh a gross pieee of earelessness, for it was just earelessness and not blue funk, for I was not in a funk just then. I was too busy avoiding shell holes to be in a funk, and alas too busy to switeh oflF my mind on to an unexpeeted subject. But never again, never never again. I shall now drive with the expectation of a wounded man at every ten yards, so as to be on the safe side. No one seems to blame me, but that is no criterion. People don’t blame people on the culprit’s own evidence, unless it is obviously an extremely bad case. But I shall remember that man now for many a long day. Poor chap, he must have died very soon after I got him away anyhow. Can you forgive me? I have been honest and told you anyhow. And I have learnt a lesson not easily to be forgotten. Can
the held text is uncorrected OCR of the print edition, which often confuses c and e (“ehureh” for “church”); the excerpt is shown exactly as held.

And in “London and the Spirit,” Paul’s mature epiphany, the lecture’s signature verb appears as personal lyric. Paul’s culminating poem begins: “When a man salutes the perfection of reality / Peace invades him” — and immediately doubts itself in the lecture’s own sceptical voice: “Was the task illusory? Is this beatitude but the complacency of self-expansion?” The verb was already in print — the 1929 Ethics’s “We salute them for being… veritable features of the face of reality”, the Divine Boy’s “Ugly, I salute you!” (1930) — and by 1932 it had become his settled term of art; the 1934 manuscript’s “I salute though it destroy me” is not a phrase found for the occasion. The same chapter contains the “music that spirit is” doctrine — “There is no music without the torture of the strings” — which is the lecture’s tragic aesthetics; Last and First Men had closed on the same figure (“Man himself, at the very least, is music, a brave theme”), and this novel names the tune again: “a fair end to the brief music that is man.”

Last Men in London (1932) ↗ · ¶ 287 · ¶ 285 · ¶ 355 — quoted passages in context
When a man salutes the perfection of reality Peace invades him. as though upon the completion of some high duty as though his life’s task were achieved in this act of loyalty Was the task illusory? Is this beatitude but the complacency of self-expansion? Or does the real, perfect formally. yet claim for its justification and fulfilment admiration? As a man’s love transmutes a woman. kindling her features with an inner radiance. does mind’s worship transfigure the world? OceanofPDF.com
spirit, in whatever degree of excellence I may; and to appreciate the music in myself and others, and in the massed splendours of the cosmos, with whatever insight I can muster. Formerly I was dismayed by the knowledge that pain’s evil was intrinsic to pain. But now I see clearly that though this is so, though pain’s evil to the pain-blinded creature is an absolute fact in the universe, yet the very evil itself may have a place in the music which spirit is. There is no music without the torture of the strings. Even the over- straining, the slow wearing out, the sudden shattering of instruments may be demanded for the full harmony of this dread music. Nay, more. In this high music of the spheres, even the heartless betrayals, the mean insufficiencies of will, common to all human instruments, unwittingly contribute by their very foulness to the intolerable, the inhuman, beauty of the music.’ By now Paul, having bound up his hand, having wiped his knife and put it away, had risen to his feet, and was walking towards home with trembling knees, pursuing his argument. ‘To make the music that spirit is, that, I now see, is the end for which all living things exist, from the humblest to the most exalted. In two ways they make it: gloriously, Purposefully, in their loyal strivings, but also shamefully, unwittingly, in their betrayals. Without Satan, with God only, how poor a universe, how trite a music! Purposefully to contribute to the music that spirit is, this is the great beatitude. It is permitted only to the elect. But the damned also, even they, contribute, though unwittingly. Purposefully to contribute upon the strings of one’s own being, and also to respond with ecstasy to the great cosmic theme inflooding from all other instruments, this is indeed the sum of duty, and of beatitude. Though in my own conduct I were to betray the music which is spirit, and in my own heart dishonour it, yet seemingly it is not in reality sullied; for it dare avail itself alike of Christ and Judas. Yet must I not betray it, not dishonour it. Yet if I
dream. Too good, too cheap. Radiation the one God, all pervading, cruel. To die quickly, to sleep and not wake! But life insists, work insists. Vain work insists. Yet why? The old far days, Godless, beautiful. The glorious world. The fair world of men and women and of the single awareness. Eye of the cosmos. Heart of the cosmos. Cunning hand. Then, we faced all things gaily. Even this corruption, when we foresaw it, we called “a fair end to the brief music that is man”. This! The strings all awry, screaming out of tune, a fair end!’ This passage is typical, though more coherent than most. There are others more striking, but so repugnant to the taste of my contemporaries that I dare not repeat them, passages describing the prevailing brutishness of sexual relations in a population that had already so far degenerated that neither sex could interest the other save in the crudest manner. This impoverishment of sexual life was due to the fact that physical health and beauty had been undermined, that apprehension of the more delicate, aesthetic and spiritual aspects of experience had become almost impossible, that the realization of other individuals as living personalities was very uncommon. Nearly all behaviour was the impulsive behaviour of beasts, though of beasts in whose nature were incorporated many tricks derived from a forgotten humanity. Some men and women there still were who had not permanently sunk to this brutish level. Several communications make it clear that, although the culture and the actual mental capacity of the Last Men were by now so degenerate, some few, a scattered and dwindling aristocracy, were still capable, at least intermittently, of personal love, and even of perplexed loyalty to certain ideals of conduct. The evidence for this lies in such passages as the following, which with its fleeting recovery of the earlier
A Modern Theory of Ethics (1929) ↗ · ¶ 249 — quoted passage in context
REALITY AND ADMIRATION 239 (D) SUMMARY I would summarize this whole very speculative discussion as follows. There is a sense in which the ideal, the good, is the greatest possible actualization of the potentiality of all that exists, the fullest expression of the nature of the world. This, owing to emergence, is more nearly achieved the more there is organization. The ideal, therefore, is the realization of potentiality upon the highest possible plane of organism. No organism, however, fulfils its whole capacity unless it is contemplated and justly admired ; since in being contemplated and admired it co-operates in the emergent activity of the subject-object whole. The abstract form of the ideal is, therefore, that continuously victorious activity, on the part of all organisms on all planes, be continuously and justly admired in all their aspects by all psychic subjects of sufficient capacity for this task. In admiring the features of nature, we appreciate them partly for their accidental human associations, but also for the fragmentary ‘ abstract’ beauty, or unity in diver- sity, which we discover in them. Possibly one cause of our love of nature is that we inherit sensory and perceptual capacities. which are themselves the product of nature’s age-long operation upon our ancestors. What more natural than that we should delight in the perceptual environment to which we are best adapted ? What more natural than that the modern urban and industrial environment should not be perceptually appropriate, and therefore not immedi- ately pleasing? What more natural than that, as we become better adapted to urban life, we should begin to discover new and unexpected beauties in the gloom and glare and angular precision of city percepts? But there is another element in our attitude to nature’s features. We salute them for being, whatever their form, veritable features of the face of reality. And this is sometimes true also of our reaction to the civic environment; for even city life, after all, is a feature of reality. Finally, in so far as we find in nature hints of formal unity-in-diversity,
Last and First Men (1930) ↗ · ¶ 253 · ¶ 743 — quoted passages in context
The climax came when, during a ceremony in the supreme temple of the capital city, while the worshippers were all prostrated before the hideous image of the Creator, the ageless prophet strode up to the altar, regarded first the congregation and then the god, burst into a hearty peal of laughter, slapped the image resoundingly, and cried, "Ugly, I salute you! Not as almighty, but as the greatest of all jokers. To have such a face, and yet to be admired for it! To be so empty, and yet so feared!" Instantly there was a hubbub. But such was the young iconoclast's god-like radiance, confidence, unexpectedness, and such his reputation as the miraculous Boy, that when he turned upon the crowd, they fell silent, and listened to his scolding.
Yet it has used him. And now it uses his destruction. Great, and terrible, and very beautiful is the Whole; and for man the best is that the Whole should use him. But does it really use him? Is the beauty of the Whole really enhanced by our agony? And is the Whole really beautiful? And what is beauty? Throughout all his existence man has been striving to hear the music of the spheres, and has seemed to himself once and again to catch some phrase of it, or even a hint of the whole form of it. Yet he can never be sure that he has truly heard it, nor even that there is any such perfect music at all to be heard. Inevitably so, for if it exists, it is not for him in his littleness. But one thing is certain. Man himself, at the very least, is music, a brave theme that makes music also of its vast accompaniment, its matrix of storms and stars. Man himself in his degree is eternally a beauty in the eternal form of things. It is very good to have been man. And so we may go forward together with laughter in our hearts, and peace, thankful for the past, and for our own courage. For we shall make after all a fair conclusion to this brief music that is man.

A full read of the novel shows something stronger still: the lecture’s exact thesis, stated as a thesis, two years early. The Neptunian’s final verdict on Paul is that he apprehended “the two supreme and seemingly discordant offices of the individual mind, namely, loyalty to man and worship of fate. To the Last Men these offices are displayed as organic to one another; but to the First Men, they are for ever discrepant” (ch. 8). The war-origins chapter had already named them “these two seemingly incompatible divine commandments of the future.” That is the South Place lecture in one sentence — with the crucial admission that for beings like us the two loyalties never quite fuse, which is why the lecture can only counsel holding both. And the book stress-tests the salute where it hurts most: inhabiting a German soldier dying in agony, the serene far-future observer himself nearly apostatizes — “a universe in which such torture could occur must be utterly vile, and… the Neptunian complacency was heartless.” Even the imagined perfected worshipper wobbles inside Hell. The lecture’s refusal to promise that the salute is easy, or always available, is the honesty of a man who had written that scene.

Last Men in London (1932) ↗ · ¶ 317 · ¶ 184 · ¶ 223 — quoted passages in context
iv. PAUL SETTLES DOWN PAUL HAD BY now almost fulfilled the task that I had demanded of him. Not only had he collected for me an immense store of facts about the crisis of his species, facts the significance of which he himself often entirely failed to see, but also in his own experience he had already afforded me a very precise insight into the capacity of his kind. He had shown me, through years of inner turmoil, the aspirations and reluctances of a primitive being haunted by visions from a higher sphere. In particular he had shown me the limits of your intelligence and of your will. There were innumerable problems which Paul even with my patient help could never understand. There were austerities of beauty which even with my most earnest illumination he could not admire. But one test at least Paul had triumphantly passed. He had shown that it was possible for the average mentality of the First Men, under careful tuition, to apprehend without any doubt whatever the two supreme and seemingly discordant offices of the individual mind, namely, loyalty to man and worship of fate. To the Last Men these offices are displayed as organic to one another; but to the First Men, they are for ever discrepant. Paul’s intellect at least saw this discrepancy, and refused to be put off with false solutions of the problem. For the rest though he so clearly recognized that all human purposes should be subordinated to these two supreme ends, he himself, like the rest of his kind, was but a frail vessel. Since I had no further use for Paul as a visual and auditory instrument through which to examine your world, I now ceased to trouble him with the insatiable lust of inquiry which had mastered him since the conclusion of
they should be doing with themselves, but always their conduct, and their vision also, is distorted by preconceptions and predilections forced upon them by their ape nature. They are confused by phantom lures of immortality, of celestial bliss, of abstract righteousness, of divine love. Nevertheless men do begin, here and there, to feel stirring within them, striving for expression, some strange new life of the spirit. Did they but know, they are in travail for a twin birth. They are troubled with the first movements of a new piety toward fate and a new loyalty toward man. Of the first they know as yet almost nothing, for whenever they experience it, they confuse it with the old complacent love of a loving God. Of the second, they guess only that they must make the best of man, must seek to know ever more truly both the world and the self, must seek to feel ever more delicately, and to will ever more harmoniously. Obscurely they begin to surmise that the whole active duty of men is to live for men; and that man must be made one, a spirit winged perhaps for enterprise unimaginable in their day. But these two conflicting spirits of cosmical piety and human loyalty remain still deeply hidden in their hearts; and men can neither see into their hearts nor bring forth in action what still is hidden. They cannot obey, they cannot even understand, these two seemingly incompatible divine commandments of the future. Blindly they seek vision; but the knowledge that they would have is for power, not piety. And so they are tricked at every turn by their own cravings. Harmony they seek; but neither within the individual nor in the race of individuals can they attain it. Nor can they find harmony with the universe. In each heart there rages the old conflict between the man and the monkey, and also the obscure new conflict between cosmical piety and human loyalty. In the external world, the quarrelsome apes that fought of old for prey, for mates, for kingship, for hunting-grounds, war now for cornlands, mines, trade, for national glory or
void the hate that was in him. I felt a bullet tear one of his ears. He did not notice it. A near shell killed the man on his right, and half-buried Hans himself. He picked himself up and stumbled on. It now became clear that I was far more dangerously entangled in your world than I had thought; for at this moment, as I watched the desperate plight of this blind half-human spirit, I found myself suddenly undermined by doubt of my own Neptunian vision. Here was a mind blessed neither with the insensitivity of the beast nor with the all-redeeming vision of my own species, a mind deranged by the horror and guilt of three years of war, and now overwhelmingly nauseated by its own being and by the satanic universe which had spawned it only to devour it, a mind which looked forward to nothing but horror and annihilation for itself, and futility for its world. It suddenly appeared to me that a universe in which such torture could occur must be utterly vile, and that the Neptunian complacency was heartless. This apostasy I noted with dismay; but by now I was in no mood to withdraw myself into spiritual safety. More important it seemed to stay with Hans, and afford him at all costs at least an illusory consolation. While he was covering the last few paces to the enemy trench, I was somewhat anxiously engaged in two very different undertakings. The first was to thrust upon the mind of Hans an image of the forest, which might serve as the starting-point for a spiritual change. The second, which I undertook at first with reluctance, was to prepare myself for a sudden exit from your world. I successfully established in him the vision of lofty trunks and sombre foliage. As he plunged into the trench with his bayonet in the neck of an enemy, this image took possession of the deeper region of his mind. I then began to think more conscientiously of my own safety, and to steady myself in earnest for the leap to Neptune. I pictured my own far future body, lying asleep in my subterranean garden. I dwelt upon the

3.5 Waking World (1934): the lecture in book form

The decisive external witness — identified after the first draft of this analysis — is Waking World, the popular philosophy book Stapledon published in the very year of the lecture. Its opening chapter (“The Scope of This Book”) contains a section headed, literally, “Humanism and Superhumanism,” announcing the book’s project in the lecture’s exact terms: “many human beings crave more than the satisfaction which is afforded by humanism even in its most developed and comprehensive form… they feel an impulse of admiration, or of piety, toward something other than man… It is as unscientific to belittle this impulse as it is to make it an excuse for superstition.” And in the preface he flags the book’s chapter XIII as “the only part of my book which can make any claim to originality” — a claim to novelty the lecture itself never quite makes; its synopsis claims only “dissatisfaction with both.”

Waking World (1934) ↗ · ¶ 22 · ¶ 23 — quoted passages in context
C. HUMANISM AND SUPERHUMANISM I SHALL ALSO attempt to do something of a different kind. It is no use ignoring the fact that many human beings crave more than the satisfaction which is afforded by humanism even in its most developed and comprehensive form. They need as the supreme ruling principle of their lives something more than loyalty to human society, or to the ideal of a perfected human society, or even a perfected human nature. They fully admit that these are very important principles which must be greatly strengthened if our world is to save itself from destruction or stagnation; but they feel an impulse of admiration, or of piety, toward something other than man. And this object of their piety, though they cannot describe it at all clearly either in religious or in scientific jargon, somehow gives a meaning and a passion to their human loyalty which otherwise would be lacking. It is as unscientific to belittle this impulse as it is to make it an excuse for superstition. Their purely scientific friends, and their purely humanistic friends also, tell them that they are simply deceiving themselves, that this craving for the superhuman, which has so misled men in the past, must be outgrown, that the vague object which they seem to discover is but a creature of their own desire. Well, though the people whom I have in mind are quite unable to accept any orthodox religious account of this obscure but compelling object of their piety, they are equally unable to dismiss it merely as illusion and a dangerous irrelevance.
Toward the end of this book I shall try to complete my outline of man, or of man-in-his-world, by describing this impulse of piety in some detail, and distinguishing as well as I can between the essence of it and the doctrines that have grown up around it. I shall represent it as a genuine human capacity, and no mere aberration or perversion. I shall represent the object on which it is directed as no mere illusion. But at the same time I shall try to show that what generally passes for this piety is in fact nothing of the sort, and that the orthodox accounts of its object of worship are for the most part untrue and cramping to the fledgeling spirit of man. And I shall try, in all humility, to give an account of this piety and its object in such a vein as to help toward a clearer apprehension of them. This is the only part of my book which can make any claim to originality. The earlier part consists entirely of ideas selected from the chaotic mass of contemporary thought, and put together as a pattern. For the selection I am of course partly responsible, but not for the several ideas. For the main contention of Chapter XIII, however, no one can be blamed but myself. If, as is all too likely, I fail to effect a liaison between the relentlessly scientific people and the relentlessly religious people, and merely get myself ridiculed by the one party and damned by the other, or simply ignored by both, no great harm will have been done. Before giving any detailed account of human nature and its relation to the environment, I shall set down a purely abstract and even platitudinous declaration of the true social aim. I shall emphasize what should surely by now be obvious to all thinking persons, and should be unwittingly assumed by all others, namely that the social aim, the practical ‘world-aim’ is the fulfilment of man’s capacities, both his animal capacities and his distinctively human capacities, whatever these in fact are. I shall then

Chapter XIII, “Man and Fate,” is the lecture’s second half written out in full prose:

Yet the book’s discipline is looser than the lecture’s, in both directions. Immediately after the “equally false” verdict, chapter XIII allows itself the consolation the lecture forbids: “But what matter? In the mood which I am describing we feel, strangely, that whatever is in fact the truth about the universe, that must somehow be the best possible, even if we are too stupid to explain how it can be so” — a doctrine-shaped feeling (sheet 28’s forbidden “therefore all is well”) surviving in the very book that states the position. In the militant direction, chapter XIV makes “revolution, world-revolution” the “great common goal of all moral action,” where the lecture only half-concedes the quietist’s “all hands to the pumps” objection. And on the central contradiction the book is franker than the platform: “We cannot give up either side of the contradiction, and yet we cannot solve it.” The December lecture is the stricter, more abstemious performance of the same position.

Waking World (1934) ↗ · ¶ 275 · ¶ 284 · ¶ 278 — quoted passages in context
entirely careless of ourselves, and of mankind, save as instruments of worship. We do not worship it for being in any sense like ourselves, or friendly towards us, but for being itself. We may sometimes have a strong sense that it is alive, and infinitely more alive, more splendidly alive, than we ourselves. It may indeed be so. But how can we possibly know? Probably to say, ‘There is God’, and to say, ‘There is no God’, and again to say, ‘The Whole is a living conscious Whole’, and to say, ‘It is not so’, are all equally false; so unreliable is our thinking. But what matter? In the mood which I am describing we feel, strangely, that whatever is in fact the truth about the universe, that must somehow be the best possible, even if we are too stupid to explain how it can be so. It is important to realize that in this experience, which seems to me the essence of the religious experience, there is, first, direct apprehension of some particular event or situation, great or minute. This objective situation presents itself as having a character to which the appropriate response is worship. But this worshipful character, though given in the particular event, does seem in some sense to be significant of very much more than the particular event. Even if it is not a window through which we see the Whole, it is, or seems to be, a window through which we see far more than the particular perceived or conceived event. But what that ‘more’ really is we cannot say. If the foregoing account is correct, we may say that religion is a mental or spiritual attitude of admiration, or praise, or worship, of a unique beauty and significance which may be discovered in or through any shred of existence, and in the whole of existence experienced by man. It is the ecstatic apprehension of a kind of beauty or rightness which may be called ‘superhuman’, in the sense that it is alien to, and superior to, every human
breed in conduct its very opposite, the emphatic resistance of evil, the will to take part effectively and without capitulation in the endless struggle for the awakening of the spirit in each individual and in the world as a whole, the will to fight for the truly human against the brutish, for life against death, for right against wrong. Let us always remember that these two attitudes of mind, which seem to our half-formed intelligence to be logically in conflict, can in practice be mutually supporting. Ecstatic acceptance, in the depth of one’s own being, demands in the life of action absolute devotion to the cause of the militant spirit. If examples are needed in support of this contention, the lives of Jesus and of Gautama Buddha may be cited as the supreme illustrations of the unity of acceptance and moral action. Nearer our own time we find the philosopher Spinoza exemplifying with strange perfection in his own life the union of courageous moral action and ecstatic acceptance, or, as he called it, ‘the intellectual love of God’. In our modern age the great common goal of all moral action must be, in some sense, revolution, world-revolution. The awakened mind has somehow to achieve at once both acceptance and the zeal of the revolutionary. In so far as a man falls short of acceptance, his zeal becomes fanatical, doctrinaire, callous, blind, and in the last resort inadequate to the needs of world-revolution. In so far as he fails in courage and loyalty to the revolutionary cause, the religious ecstasy of his acceptance is poisoned. This is perhaps a mystery, but it is true. OceanofPDF.com
C. SCEPTICAL PROTESTS IN THE MOOD which I am trying to describe we feel all this with complete certainty, and with a delight which is deeper than any other delight. But we may be mistaken, Indeed, it seems that in some way or other we must be mistaken, since this account of our religious experience is self- contradictory. We say almost in the same breath that the adventure of man ought to be heroically pursued to victory, yet that it is bound to be defeated in the end, and that, in spite of its defeat, the universe is perfectly beautiful. Is not this sheer nonsense? Some one is sure to ask us what exactly it is that delights us in a universe in which minds are so helpless and so tortured, in which, moreover, there will soon be no minds at all. Really, he may say, this is very queer music, which is beautiful although it is full of hideous discords, which consists simply in whatever happens, and is, moreover, in some strange way good in itself whether any one enjoys it or not. We have to admit that it is indeed strange. But there it is. This contradiction between, on the one hand, admiration of the known universe as in some sense perfect, excellent, wholly beautiful, and on the other hand, loyalty to the enterprise of man to spiritualize himself and his corner of the universe, lies in one form or another at the heart of all the great religions. It is at bottom the contradiction between fate and love; between, on the one hand, the acceptance of fate, or of ‘God’s will’, and, on the other, the love of human persons, or devotion in the cause of life’s struggle to become fully awake. And this devotion and this love are the roots of all morality. Well, there it is. We cannot give up either side of the contradiction, and yet we cannot solve it. When we have stripped religion of all precarious intellectual

The book also supplies the lecture’s missing chapter on organized religion. Waking World’s chapter XI distinguishes “sham religion” — “at bottom… always an expression of the desire to ‘save one’s soul’” — from “genuine religion,” defined exactly as the lecture defines superhumanism: “a self-forgetful love, or admiration, or worship, of something which is felt to be very ‘beautiful’ or ‘good’, and as in some manner superhuman… ‘religion’ is both man’s crown and his dunce’s cap.” And it contains a sentence that may be the most concentrated statement of the lecture’s anti-doctrinal discipline anywhere in his work: “It is tempting to say that the climax of worship is the glad acceptance of the fact that one’s ‘God’ has no need whatever to be worshipped.” The salute expects nothing back — not even a use for itself.

Waking World (1934) ↗ · ¶ 220 · ¶ 219 · ¶ 223 — quoted passages in context
is perhaps the most alive, the most spiritually awakened kind of activity possible to members of our half-formed species. ‘Religion’ of this kind is, I should say, in a sense the true goal of all human living. Moreover, excellent in itself, it is also absolutely necessary for the proper organization of a man’s life and the life of the world. But ‘religion’ of the base and damaging kind is perhaps the worst of all humanity’s plagues. Since the word ‘religion’ has such very different meanings, perhaps the best plan would be to discard it altogether. Unfortunately this is impossible. People will still go on talking about ‘religion’, and meaning different things by it. All that can be done is to distinguish clearly between the two main senses of the word, between the sham, pernicious kind of religion and the genuine, life-giving kind of religion. This can be done fairly sharply in theory; but in practice it is often very difficult to discover whether a seemingly religious person is genuinely religious or not, and whether a seemingly irreligious person is what he seems to be. For those who are most truly religious are often so nauseated by the prevailing sham religion that they are eager to be thought irreligious. Another source of confusion lies in the fact that the two utterly different activities may even be carried out by the same person, and almost at the same time. The sham kind of religion is at bottom, I believe, always an expression of the desire to ‘save one’s soul’, or to curry favour with God or the gods, so that one may in some sense or other secure happiness, in this life or another. The genuine kind of religion I should describe as a self-forgetful love, or admiration, or worship, of something which is felt to be very ‘beautiful’ or ‘good’, and as in some manner superhuman. Religion of this kind may be worship of a god who is thought of as distinct from man; or it may be worship of a universe which includes man but is more admirable
reaching full mental stature, and often lead them into terrified persecution of unbelievers. Religion, according to this view, is responsible for half the cruelty and bloodshed of the past, and to-day it is one of the greatest forces making for barbarism and checking the mental awakening of the race. What is the truth about this long-standing bitter dispute? Many members of each party, so long as they are not enraged against the other party, are capable of proving themselves admirable human beings. Neither party is to be dismissed off-hand as unworthy of serious attention. Each one of us has to face this problem and come to some decision as best he may. We cannot simply trust to authority, whether sacerdotal or scientific. Inevitably we have to judge between authorities. In order to do so we have to take into account, so far as possible, all points of view. I shall submit a view which, though in all probability it is inadequate, should, I think, be considered. I shall first argue that there is important truth on both sides. There is, I believe, something, which may be named by the misleading and debased word ‘religion’, and is the most distinctively human or awakened activity of man. But clearly there is something else, which is also called ‘religion’, and is his greatest folly and shame. One might almost say that ‘religion’ is both man’s crown and his dunce’s cap. It is the ring through his nose, by which he may be led hither and thither, and the mask which he wears to hide his brutishness. But also, in the other sense of the word ‘religion’, it is, I believe, a window through which he may see something of the superhuman, and through which he may be said, in a very special sense, to ‘have access to eternity’. The truth is that the word ‘religion’ means several very different kinds of activity. Some ‘religion’ is rather crude, but harmless. Some is both crude and extremely damaging to the individual and to the world. Some is a more awakened kind of activity, but in the main unwholesome in its effects. Some
The only shred of selfishness which is left in him is a desire in some way to serve what he so deeply and delightedly admires; or at least to express his admiration, to make some kind of gesture of loyalty. This impulse is natural and right, but it may snare him. He may be led to care more for the satisfaction of serving than for that which he serves, more for the joy of worshipping than for that which he worships. And so, little by little, he may slide into the false religion, interesting himself less directly in his God, or the universe, or whatever it is that he worships, than in his own need to be united with the admired thing. This desire to find some kind of union with the object which is worshipped is natural and right, so long as it does not hamper the impulse of sheer worship. It is right; but it is the least important side of genuine religion. And the only satisfaction that it ought to demand is the sense of union which admiration itself affords, the sense of being one in spirit with the admired thing. It is tempting to say that the climax of worship is the glad acceptance of the fact that one’s ‘God’ has no need whatever to be worshipped. OceanofPDF.com

The rest of the book (read in full) supplies two further glosses. The science chapters anticipate the lecture’s claim that the numinous survives inside the laboratory: the true scientist “worships” the “non-human reality whose surface science studies… partly, I think, for its very ‘inhumanity’, for its apparent indifference to man; but also for its suggestion of limitless spiritual potentiality” — the Mighty Other located inside physics itself. And the political chapters (economic communism, conditional pacifism, the demand for a new order) show what the South Place audience would have known: the man preaching cosmic detachment that December was simultaneously a public radical — the lecture’s “more energy & more detachment” was being demonstrated, not just asserted.

Waking World (1934) ↗ · ¶ 171 — quoted passage in context
and variety of physical existence does afford him an intense exhilaration, like that which may be experienced by a man who, leaving a small and crowded room, finds himself under the stars. It also suggests to him that, just as man formerly underestimated the size of the cosmos, so perhaps he is now underestimating its mental and spiritual potentialities, and taking his own highest achievements in those directions much too seriously. In his own special study the scientist may have a very strong and inspiring sense of the independent reality of what he is exploring. He knows well that only the surface, the outer skin of this reality, is open to his exploration; but he has a keen sense that it is what it is, and not what he desires or expects it to be. He tries earnestly to ‘enter into the spirit of it’ and see it truly. He is anxious not to misinterpret it in accordance with his own preconceived ideas. When he looks beyond his subject and considers the universe as a whole, he regards it in the same way. He is intensely aware of its reality, and of the extreme complexity and vastness and independence of this reality. Since he is a man, and not merely a scientist, the upshot in his mind is apt to be two very deep but quiet emotions, or movements of the will. The first is loyalty to the great human enterprise of advance in knowledge and power and in discriminate appreciation. Science, he feels, opens up limitless possibilities of such advance. The second emotion is perhaps most truly to be called worship of the vast, intricate, non-human reality whose surface science studies. He worships it partly, I think, for its very ‘inhumanity’, for its apparent indifference to man; but also for its suggestion of limitless spiritual potentiality. The true critics of science, on the other hand, are more impressed by the dangers of science than by its benefits, more by the harm it does to common minds than by the discipline it affords to truly scientific minds. They see

The biography supplies the book’s own genesis, and it tightens the frame around the lecture year. Waking World began as commercial utopianism — “Its composition is traceable to a meeting with Victor Gollancz in the summer of 1932,” after which Stapledon “set to work on a ‘book of dogmas’ that would lay out a comprehensive prescription for building a global Utopia” — and Odd John was “a work of fiction written nearly in tandem with Waking World in 1933 and 1934.” Crossley’s own antithesis for what came next could caption this whole analysis: “If Waking World was Olaf’s ‘book of dogmas,’ Star Maker was to be his confession of faith as a pious agnostic.” The December 1934 lecture sits exactly on that hinge — dogmas behind it, confession ahead of it (§3.6 now documents how far ahead the confession already was).

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 882 · ¶ 871 · ¶ 931 — quoted passages in context
*Waking World* is a record of Stapledon's loyalty to the utopian idea in the face of the dystopian 1930s and of his heretical departures from Wellsianism. Its composition is traceable to a meeting with Victor Gollancz in the summer of 1932 after Olaf had finished his essay on the future for Naomi Mitchison's *Outline for Boys and Girls*.[21] Impressed by the enormous commercial success of Wells's *Outline of History*, which continued a full decade after its first edition, Gollancz decided that his firm should follow up the Mitchison anthology with more "outlines." He proposed that Olaf write a book for older teenagers on what they could do to create the world their children would inhabit. Gollancz advertised it as "It Is Up to You: An Appeal to the Young" for his spring list of 1933. But he never actually wrote a contract, and he declined to publish what Stapledon submitted. The rejected manuscript has disappeared, but a few traces of the episode remain: a synopsis of "It Is Up to You" printed in Gollancz's advertisement; an aside by Naomi Mitchison in a letter to Olaf ("Make Victor give you a contract; he is a wretch"); and a cryptic acknowledgment in the preface to *Waking World*: "To Mr. Victor Gollancz's shattering comments on an earlier and abortive experiment I owe much."[22]
Not content simply to be a lecture-and-radio pundit, Olaf set to work on a "book of dogmas" that would lay out a comprehensive prescription for building a global Utopia.[8] That book he ultimately called, in his favorite metaphor, *Waking World*. The most challenging, ambiguous, and artful of his utopian writings, however, was a work of fiction written nearly in tandem with *Waking World* in 1933 and 1934. Fleshed out from a discarded chapter of *Last Men in London* and given a teasing subtitle ("A Story Between Jest and Earnest") reminiscent of More's skepticism about Utopia, the book's title underwent several alterations. From awkward suggestions of a tract ("Disportment" or "The Career of a Sport") the title evolved to emphasize a personality rather than a thesis—"John Alive" and finally, at a very late stage, *Odd John*. With *Odd John*, Stapledon for once did not have to warn readers that this fiction was "not a novel." Inventing his first truly rounded character, a physical and mental freak who rejects the prevailing ethical and cultural norms, he also conducted his most troubling excursion into Utopia, one that epitomized the decade's dwindling hopes, in the era of Mussolini, Hitler, Stalin, and Franco, for achieving the good society.
Almost from the time he learned to use pen and paper, Olaf could not help writing about the stars—in youthful diary passages and in the poems of *Latter-Day Psalms*, in reports from his ambulance post during the war and in his verses of the twenties. In *Star Maker* he aimed to be comprehensive and definitive, to settle the human place in the universe, “to swallow the Whole,” as Wells said in a mixture of admiration and distaste when he saw the finished product.[3] If *Waking World* was Olaf’s “book of dogmas,” *Star Maker* was to be his confession of faith as a pious agnostic.

The consequence for reading the manuscript: the South Place lecture was not an isolated performance but Stapledon taking his new book’s central and “only original” chapter to the most demanding possible audience for it — the home crowd of organized Humanism — within months of publication. The lecture’s compressed notes can therefore be glossed, page by page, from the book’s full prose — and where the notes are ambiguous, Waking World is the best control we have.

3.6 Star Maker (1937): the lecture made cosmology

If Last and First Men is the lecture’s prehistory, Star Maker is its consequence — the book in which “I am aware of an unspeakable Beauty, & Majesty, which I salute though it destroy me” is expanded into 250 pages. (Its deepest root, though, is private: the star-flight “fairy story” he wrote to Agnes from the front in September 1915 — see §3.1 — already contains the novel’s frame, though the letter’s waking is in a sleeping bag; the hillside is the novel’s addition.) Three years after South Place:

The novel’s vast middle (read in full) keeps rehearsing the lecture at every scale. Each imagined world’s crisis is posed in the lecture’s own two-part form — the struggle for true community and the struggle for a right attitude to the cosmos. The salute-formula itself is given to the dying Other Earth philosopher Bvalltu in the lecture’s exact grammar: “Oh, Star Maker, even if you destroy me, I must praise you. Even if you torture my dearest. Even if you torment and waste all your lovely worlds…” And the perversions catalogue matches sheet 25’s: whole galaxies of “mad worlds” show community itself becoming herd-tyranny and even lucidity becoming an instrument of empire. Most severely, the theology out-hardens the lecture: the mature Star Maker contemplates his creatures “without pity,” loving them for “their finitude, their minute particularity, their tortured balance” — worship offered to something that grieves for nothing.

Star Maker (1937) ↗ · ¶ 170 · ¶ 405 · ¶ 675 — quoted passages in context
Not so to Bvalitu. "Even if the powers destroy us," he said, "who are we, to condemn them? As well might a fleeting word judge the speaker that forms it. Perhaps they use us for their own hihg ends, use our strength and our weakness, our joy and our pain, in some theme inconceivable to us, and excellent." But I protested, "What theme could justify such waste, such futility? And how can we help judging; and how otherwise can we judge than by the light of our own hearts, by which we judge ourselves? It would be base to praise the Star Maker, knowing that he was too insensitive to care about the fate of his worlds." Bvalitu was silent in his mind for a moment. Then he looked up, searching among the smoke-clouds for a daytime star. And then he said to me in his mind, "If he saved all the worlds, but tormented just one man, would you forgive him? Or if he was a little harsh only to one stupid child? What has our pain to do with it, or our failure? Star Maker! It is a good word, though we can have no notion of its meaning. Oh, Star Maker, even if you destroy me, I must praise you. Even if you torture my dearest. Even if you torment and waste all your lovely worlds, the little figments of your imagination, yet I must praise you. For if you do so, it must be right. In me it would be wrong, but in you it must be right."
Here I must check myself, lest I give a false impression. It is necessary to distinguish sharply between the mad worlds of comparatively low mental development and those of almost the highest order. The humbler kinds might become crudely obsessed by sheer mastery or sheer travel, with its scope for courage and discipline. More tragic was the case of those few very much more awakened worlds whose obsession was seemingly for community itself and mental lucidity itself, and the propagation of the kind of community and the special mode of lucidity most admired by themselves. For then travel was but the means to cultural and religious empire.
While he was still working upon the detail of the countless, poignant individual lives, upon the fortunes of men, of ichthyoids, of nautiloids, and the rest, I became convinced that his attitude to his creatures was very different from what it had been for any other cosmos. For he was neither cold to them nor yet simply in love with them. In love with them, indeed, he still was; but he had seemingly outgrown all desire to save them from the consequences of their finitude and from the cruel impact of the environment. He loved them without pity. For he saw that their distinctive virtue lay in their finitude, their minute particularity, their tortured balance between dullness and lucidity; and that to save them from these would be to annihilate them.

And the novel’s very last paragraph is the lecture’s double loyalty, reduced by Stapledon himself to two emblems. Standing on the hill above his suburb — having glimpsed, in the epilogue’s survey of the 1937 world, “the young men ranked together in thousands, exalted, possessed, saluting the flood-lit Fuhrer” (sheet 25’s herd-worship, observed in the wild) — the narrator ends:

Star Maker (1937) ↗ · ¶ 715 — quoted passage in context
Gazing beyond London, imagination detected the dim stretch of the Channel, and then the whole of Europe, a patch-work of tillage and sleeping industrialism. Beyond poplared Normandy spread Paris, with the towers of Notre-Dame tipped slightly, by reason of Earth's curvature. Further on, the Spanish night was ablaze with the murder of cities. Away to the left lay Germany, with its forests and factories, its music, its steel helmets. In cathedral squares I seemed to see the young men ranked together in thousands, exalted, possessed, saluting the flood-lit Fuhrer. In Italy too, land of memories and illusions, the mob's idol spell-bound the young.

Two lights for guidance. The first, our little glowing atom of community, with all that it signifies. The second, the cold light of the stars, symbol of the hypercosmical reality, with its crystal ecstasy. Strange that in this light… the human crisis does not lose but gains significance.

Star Maker (1937) ↗ · ¶ 722 — quoted passage in context
Two lights for guidance. The first, our little glowing atom of community, with all that it signifies. The second, the cold light of the stars, symbol of the hypercosmical reality, with its crystal ecstasy. Strange that in this light, in which even the dearest love is frostily assessed, and even the possible defeat of our half-waking world is contemplated without remission of praise, the human crisis does not lose but gains significance. Strange that it seems more, not less, urgent to play some part in this struggle, this brief effort of animalcules striving to win for their race some increase of lucidity before the ultimate darkness.

That is sheet 28 (“the claims of altruism, & of the humanistic ideal… yet I must salute”) and sheet 30 (“at once more energy & more detachment”) fused into a single image — the definitive self-formulation of what the South Place audience heard three years earlier.

But the page the two lights stand on should be read whole, because the epilogue has just done two further things. It revokes the vision’s letter even while keeping its spirit — “however false the vision in detail of structure, even perhaps in its whole form… false in every theme and facet, yet in spirit true” — the lecture’s “all our knowledge of it is mythical” applied, at the last, to the book’s own theophany. And it gives the human light epistemic priority: after conceding that the mind can grasp “nothing sure… except uncertainty itself,” the narrator singles out the lit window below — “We had found, or we had created, our little treasure of community. This was the one rock in all the welter of experience. This, not the astronomical and hypercosmical immensity… this, this alone, was the solid ground of existence.” The two lights are not symmetrical: one is ground, the other symbol. The salute survives the epilogue; the doctrine — even the novel’s own myth — does not. One contemporary reader saw exactly this shape, and his verdict is worth the record because he was the corpus’s own inverse twin (§4). Bertrand Russell — “one of Olaf’s intellectual heroes, someone he had occasionally criticized, often learned from, always respected, but had not yet actually met” — reviewed the novel, per Crossley’s report liking “the notion of the Star Maker as ‘an artist rather than a philanthropist’” and finding in the final meditation on the “two lights” “all that is good in religion without any of the bad features of most historical creeds.” (Crossley’s sentence renders the two lights as “of reason and love”; the novel’s own emblems, quoted above, are the atom of community and the cold light of the stars.) An artist rather than a philanthropist; religion’s good without the creeds: the lecture’s aesthetic Other and its no-doctrine discipline, recognized from outside — by the author of the humanist inversion the 1946 notes would file the position against.

Star Maker (1937) ↗ · ¶ 708 · ¶ 710 — quoted passages in context
Yet, however false the vision in detail of structure, even perhaps in its whole form, in temper surely it was relevant; in temper perhaps it was even true. The real itself, surely, had impelled me to conceive that image, false in every theme and facet, yet in spirit true.
Sitting there on the heather, on our planetary grain, I shrank from the abysses that opened up on every side, and in the future. The silent darkness, the featureless unknown, were more dread than all the terrors that imagination had mustered. Peering, the mind could see nothing sure, nothing in all human experience to be grasped as certain, except uncertainty itself; nothing but obscurity gendered by a thick haze of theories. Man's science was a mere mist of numbers; his philosophy but a fog of words. His very perception of this rocky grain and all its wonders was but a shifting and a lying apparition. Even oneself, that seeming-central fact, was a mere phantom, so deceptive, that the most honest of men must question his own honesty, so insubstantial that he must even doubt his very existence. And our loyalties! so self-deceiving, so mis-informed and mis-conceived. So savagely pursued and hate-warped I Our very loves, and these in full and generous intimacy, must be condemned as unseeing, self-regarding, and self-gratulatory. And yet? I singled out our window. We had been happy together! We had found, or we had created, our little treasure of community. This was the one rock in all the welter of experience. This, not the astronomical and hypercosmical immensity, nor even the planetary grain, this, this alone, was the solid ground of existence. On every side was confusion, a rising storm, great waves already drenching our rock. And all around, in the dark welter, faces and appealing hands, half-seen and vanishing.
Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1002 · ¶ 1004 — quoted passages in context
Perhaps the most gratifying response came from one of Olaf’s intellectual heroes, someone he had occasionally criticized, often learned from, always respected, but had not yet actually met. Leo Myers knew him, though, and couldn’t stand him:
But Myers let his bias carry him away. Bertrand Russell *had* read *Last and First Men*, thought Stapledon owned “a very remarkable cosmological imagination” and an instinct for tragedy, and admired his freedom from the “common imaginative defect” of utopians who trust too much in government, scientific progress, and virtue as its own reward. Russell enjoyed the “grim jest” of *Star Maker*’s political allegory and the “austere beauty” of its style. The book’s spiritual inquiry—which Myers expected him to revile—engaged Russell for its “intellectual courage.” He liked the notion of the Star Maker as “an artist rather than a philanthropist,” and in the final meditation on the “two lights” of reason and love he found “all that is good in religion without any of the bad features of most historical creeds.”[63]

The lecture thus stands between the two novels — though not alone: Waking World’s chapter XIII, in print earlier that same year, had already worked out discursively why the worship that ends Last and First Men is legitimate. What the lecture adds is the performance of that license before the audience with most reason to resist it; Star Maker is what the license was for. And the biography now lets the “between” be dated rather than assumed. The cosmos-book was already on the desk, and already circulating, before South Place: Naomi Mitchison was its first reader — “The draft of a cosmic history, from the first nebulae to the extinction of all life, accompanied Naomi late in the summer of 1933” to Perthshire — Aage Marcus heard about “the Cosmos-book” on his English visit in 1934 (“that book has haunted me as no other since you told me about it that April night 1934,” he wrote later), and L. H. Myers “first read a synopsis of Star Maker in the summer of 1934.” The book “was in early stages of composition in 1935,” was restarted after Odd John appeared (“Indeed I have started afresh on it several times and been dissatisfied,” Stapledon told Marcus), and was done only when “He finished the last chapter just before Christmas” 1936. The South Place evening therefore falls in the middle of the confession-book’s long, dissatisfied gestation — the lecturer defending the salute in December 1934 was a writer who had already tried once to write it out at cosmic length. (Whether that first attempt had already been set aside by the evening of the lecture, no document dates: the restarts are attested only from after Odd John — “started afresh… several times” is late 1935 at the earliest — and the “Discarded MS.” label on the surviving draft is a label found on it forty years on, not a dated act; see the end of this section.)

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 933 · ¶ 932 · ¶ 975 · ¶ 924 · ¶ 974 — quoted passages in context
A preview of *Star Maker* slyly inserted into the final chapter of *Odd John*, when the narrator discovers a manuscript on the history of the universe, is a sign of Stapledon’s determination to complete his most audacious myth. Unlike *Last and First Men*, which he wrote as a virtual recluse, the cosmos-book was widely circulated in manuscript. The first person to get an extensive look was Naomi Mitchison. The draft of a cosmic history, from the first nebulae to the extinction of all life, accompanied Naomi late in the summer of 1933 on a difficult visit to her aging father in Perthshire. “I am in the bloody middle of patriarchy here,” she wrote. Her commentary, affected by father-daughter struggles and “bottlesfull” of antirheumatic analgesic that left her head and her prose spinning, is one of the shrewdest assessments ever made of
The Danish art historian Aage Marcus first met Stapledon on an English visit in 1934 and heard about “the Cosmos-book,” Olaf’s vague designation of his work-in-progress. Over the next three years, Marcus got periodic reports on how the project was faring. After *Odd John* appeared, Olaf wrote, “I am now engaged on my book about the stars, a more serious undertaking. Indeed I have started afresh on it several times and been dissatisfied.” Marcus was thrilled: “I was *very* glad to learn that the Cosmos-book is now proceeding well; that book has haunted me as no other since you told me about it that April night 1934. . . . You may believe that I long for it!!”[4]
From the time Myers first read a synopsis of *Star Maker* in the summer of 1934, he wanted it "primarily to be *a work of art*." He was enthralled by it as a theological romance and cautioned against political allusions that might soon render episodes obsolete. He wanted Stapledon to develop "language almost Biblical."[37] Despite Olaf's insistence that *Star Maker* was "not a novel," Myers criticized it as if it were one, demanding high seriousness and stylistic elegance of the sort he attempted in his own trilogy of the 1930s, *The Root and the Flower*.[38]
Although his career as author and public figure in England was barely five years old at the end of 1935 and some commentators were still misdescribing, him as "quite a young man," Olaf was turning fifty.[70] Some of his best work still lay ahead in the next fifteen years, and the book many people consider his masterpiece was in early stages of composition in 1935. But his reputation a writer of fiction was already at a peak he would not rise to again before his death, and he was starting to suspect that his professional life was not going to have the brilliant finish he wanted. For the American publicity campaign for *Odd John*, he produced a miscellany of comic self-assessments that sum up an imperfect life at midcentury:
As serious as he was about presenting the facts of the war, he never forgot the difference between propaganda and education and wanted his listeners to be skeptical of everything they heard. That loyalty to self-conscious detachment overrode all other loyalties, especially when Olaf was in his study. He had worked so intensively in the last months of 1936 on *Star Maker* that his critical faculties were numbed. He finished the last chapter just before Christmas and needed to produce a typed copy almost at once for his editor. Weary and in doubt, he asked Leo Myers to advise him on cuts. The letters Myers wrote on Christmas Eve and Christmas Day did not ease his mind. All through the year Leo had been rallying Olaf's spirits about *Star Maker*. On 21 November, before he saw the last few chapters, he wrote, "I don't see how—at this stage in human knowledge—a better book on such lines could be written." Suddenly at Christmas his praises grew bland and he carped at the representation of the Star Maker in the climactic visions. The conclusion "trivialized" the myth and revealed a Creator with no ethical sense. Myers thought Olaf had better recast the entire framework of the book as a dream rather than a vision.[36]

One qualification the archive can now document: the line from lecture to novel was not direct. Nebula Maker — the abandoned first draft (dated 1933 by the biography, on evidence set out at the end of this paragraph; published posthumously 1976; now held complete) — shows Stapledon first trying to write the cosmological book with a creator the achieved novel would forbid itself: seen with the bodily eye on page one (“I have seen God creating the cosmos, watching its growth, and finally destroying it”), given hands that spin chaos into threads “As flax issuing from between the fingers of a woman spinning,” a face “feline, snakelike… lean and keen and ruthless,” a Jehovah-flicker, even Genesis quoted straight. The draft already contains the lecture’s discipline in pieces — the bare compulsion (“Yet as I watched I was compelled to worship.”), the refusal of petition (“useless to pray to him; useless, and also, in some manner which I could not comprehend, base” — Waking World’s “God has no need whatever to be worshipped,” felt from the creature’s side), and the artist-God whose compassion seems “absorbed and used in some loftier and relentless exaltation” — the “aloof though passionate attention” theology caught mid-formation. But the strongest emotion the manuscript reached is the one 1937 will not allow itself as a last word: “From the bottom of my being, I loathed him.” — with a wounded woman in a mean suburb set above the deity (“Surely in her there was more divinity than in this deity.”) — and the draft breaks off mid-meditation, the destruction announced in its first sentence never shown. The “strange peace” of the achieved climax was not the lecture transcribed; it was won, at the second attempt, by abandoning a version in which the lecture’s discipline demonstrably failed to control the material — the draft violates “to call it personal is to belittle it” on every page. And the draft’s middle chapters split the human loyalty itself into the pair Saints and Revolutionaries (1939) would theorize: the pacifist nebula Bright Heart (“Till we are ready in our thousands to die yet never kill, the killers will thrive”) against the revolutionary Fire Bolt (“We are the instruments of fate. Our wills are the expression of mighty forces at work in the cosmos”), the proposed bargain stated in so many words — “You shall provide the vision. I will provide the ruthlessness in pursuit of the vision. Together, we can make the new world.” — refused (“No, I will not kill, but I will be killed.”), both strategies failed in turn, and the verdict given to the dying revolutionary, for the saint: “But at bottom he was right.” The two-loyalties structure the lecture presents as a clean pair was, in the fiction of these years, already three loyalties — cosmic salute, loving community, revolutionary force — with the tension inside humanism dramatized before 1939 theorized it. (Earlier editions of this analysis had to leave the draft undated — “c. 1933–36 by scholarly convention” — and derive every claim of sequence from its topical anchors (“the millions of unemployed, the recrudescence of barbarism in Europe and America”). The biography dates it. The draft Mitchison carried north in late summer 1933 is this document: “What she had read, labeled ‘Discarded MS. of Star-Maker,’ was found forty years later in Stapledon’s desk and published under the title Nebula Maker” — and Crossley’s settled phrase is “The earliest version of the cosmos-book, the 1933 fragment known as Nebula Maker.” If that dating holds — it rests on Mitchison’s correspondence, not on a date in the manuscript, and the load-bearing letter is itself undated: Crossley’s endnote catalogues it “undated [but probably summer 1933],” so his “late in the summer of 1933” is narrative synthesis over an editorial conjecture, and the year, not the month, is the defensible claim — the personal-God draft precedes the December 1934 lecture: the discipline the lecture preaches had already been tried at cosmic length, in a surviving attempt that breaks off unfinished and violates that discipline on every page, and the sequence draft → lecture → achieved novel now stands on documentary evidence rather than inference. What the evidence does not fix is the draft’s status on the lecture’s evening — read but not yet formally “discarded,” or already abandoned, the record cannot say. See ERRATA.md.)

Nebula Maker (1933) ↗ · ¶ 6 · ¶ 46 · ¶ 34 · ¶ 36 · ¶ 69 · ¶ 333 · ¶ 331 · ¶ 35 · ¶ 259 · ¶ 282 · ¶ 262 · ¶ 263 · ¶ 297 · ¶ 29 — quoted passages in context
I have seen God creating the cosmos, watching its growth, and finally destroying it.
And now God set about to pass the whole of chaos between his fingertips. As flax issuing from between the fingers of a woman spinning, comes forth as thread, so from God’s countless fingers chaos issued as fine threads of smoke.
Horror seized me. Could this, this living pole-axe, be the face of the true God? Could the spirit that this thing expressed be the one reality behind men’s dreams, the dreams that they had reverently perfected through the ages? Where was the Love, and where the Wisdom; where even the Justice and the Righteousness?
Yet as I watched I was compelled to worship.
Thus I prayed. But then I remembered the thing that God was, and I knew that it was useless to pray to him; useless, and also, in some manner which I could not comprehend, base.
Cruel? Indeed, no! Compassionate? No! Or in a manner, yes? For surely that calm attentive gaze meant not mere calmness, mere aloofness. Did it perhaps mean passion transmuted? Did it speak of inner participation in all grief and joy? Perhaps. Yet it was ruthless, as though compassion had been absorbed and used in some loftier and relentless exaltation.
From the bottom of my being, I loathed him.
In a mean suburb of a dark commercial city, had I not known a woman? Was she not fair though marred, gentle, though turning to bitterness? Surely in her there was more divinity than in this deity.
But Bright Heart said, “That we must never do. That is the great false step, shattering to the dance. Till we are ready in our thousands to die yet never kill, the killers will thrive. Meet evil always with good. Behold all nebulae gladly, even tyrants and hooligans. Expect, and they will dance.”
He said to them, “We are the instruments of fate. Our wills are the expression of mighty forces at work in the cosmos. Through us the new world will be founded. Hitherto, power has been with the masters, the oppressors. Inevitably they have exercised it in their own interests, not for the world. But now, power is no longer in their hands alone. The knowledge of mechanical power, the skill for using it, has passed to those whom the oppressors enslaved. They have only to will resolutely to overthrow the oppressors and create the new world. If they will it, it will happen; for power is theirs. And it is for us who do will it, and do understand the way in which fate is working, to show the oppressed their opportunity and lead them to victory.”
Again there was a pause, then Fire Bolt said, “I have come to persuade you that though your aim is right and glorious, your method is futile. It would be the right method if nebulae were far more intelligent than they are or far more generous. But in the world that is, not killing but limp mildness is the great error. And what has happened to your work? Triumphant at first, it is now stultified by mildness, and the cunning of the rulers. The time is come for ruthless action. If you will consent, and call your followers to arms, I, who am not without experience of action and not without followers, will be your ally. You shall provide the vision. I will provide the ruthlessness in pursuit of the vision. Together, we can make the new world.”
But Bright Heart would not agree. He said only, “No, I will not kill, but I will be killed. And the manner of my dying shall kindle such a spirit as shall never be extinguished.”
But Fire Bolt, already fatigued by the effort of “listening” to their lengthy petition, replied in a manner wholly unexpected. “That great seer,” he said, “erred only in having too good an opinion of nebular nature. He underestimated the weakness and stupidity of the peoples, and the self-regard of the oppressors. He thought the new world would be brought into being by the good will of all, not by the hate and courage of a few. But at bottom he was right. Though to overthrow the oppressors we had to do many terrible things and sacrifice many social and many lone nebulae, now that we have freed the world we must ‘gladly behold’ all nebulae, and dance with all nebulae, sacrificing none. I am sick and dying. You will remember me, for without me you could not have made the revolution. But more earnestly, more constantly, remember Bright Heart. For his work is still for you to do.”
By now I had lost sight of the stars. I had lost all perception of the planet to which I was clinging. Even my own body seemed to have melted and vanished. Yet inwardly my mind was clear, and indeed quickened to an unaccustomed agility. I remembered minutely the sequence of events that had led me to this vision. I remembered the whole trend of my life, with its many groping and unfulfilled activities. I remembered the contemporary world crisis in human affairs, the millions of unemployed, the recrudescence of barbarism in Europe and America, the forlorn struggle for a new world.
Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 936 · ¶ 988 · ¶ 2216 — quoted passages in context
What she had read, labeled "Discarded MS. of Star-Maker," was found forty years later in Stapledon's desk and published under the title *Nebula Maker*.[5]
The earliest version of the cosmos-book, the 1933 fragment known as *Nebula Maker*, contains nothing like the intensely personal first chapter of *Star Maker*. But by midsummer 1936 the story about the stars had become inextricably linked to the "prized atom of community," the "little treasure" of Olaf-and-Agnes living in "intricate symbiosis" like "two close trees whose trunks have grown upwards together as a single shaft, mutually distorting, but mutually supporting."[47] Olaf's incorporation of his wife and marriage into the fiction of *Star Maker* was hardly sentimental, though. The unhappy narrator questions the "complacent and ingrown domesticity" of his marriage and alludes vaguely to "our own not infrequent discordancy." That Agnes was uncomfortable with this shadowy portrait of her married life can be surmised from her copy of the book, in which passages that refer to herself are marked for cutting in a future edition.[48]
5. Naomi Mitchison to OS, undated [but probably summer 1933] (SA); Mitchison, letter to author, 27 Feb. 1985. *NM*, first printed in England in 1976, appeared in the U.S. with another incomplete manuscript as *Nebula Maker and Four Encounters* (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1983). The 100-page, handwritten discarded manuscript is in SA.

3.7 Philosophy and Living (1939): the lecture as a Pelican syllabus — and the tease paid off

Two years after Star Maker, Penguin issued Philosophy and Living as a two-volume Pelican paperback, dedicated “TO MY STUDENTS IN W.E.A. CLASSES” — the classroom twin of the platform lectures, and (both volumes now held and read in full) the most complete discursive statement of the 1934 position he ever published. If Waking World (§3.5) is the lecture in book form, Philosophy and Living is the lecture as a curriculum: Volume I drills the humility (immortality, mind and body, knowledge, reasoning, ethics), and Volume II builds back up through exactly the lecture’s two halves — personality-in-community (chs. VIII–IX) and the salute (ch. XII).

Philosophy and Living I (1939) ↗ · ¶ 7 — quoted passage in context
To MY STUDENTS IN W.E.A. CLASSES

Volume I plants a deliberate tease. Its immortality chapter ends in the lecture’s exact posture — “complete agnosticism. Emotionally it involves detachment from the desire for immortality, through the discovery of more satisfying values” — and, pressed on whether he asks anything of the cosmos, Stapledon answers: “Do I really demand that the universe should treat human individuals with charity, or even with justice? The answer is emphatically ‘No!’… Something I do demand, but this is irrelevant to the present discussion.” Volume II is where the debt is paid.

Philosophy and Living I (1939) ↗ · ¶ 171 · ¶ 110 — quoted passages in context
In relation to immortality this advance consists intellectually of complete agnosticism. Emotionally it involves detachment from the desire for immortality, through the discovery of more satisfying values. At this stage I shall not attempt to say what, in my view, those values are.
Well, I ask myself as sincerely as I can, "Do I really demand that the universe should treat human individuals with charity, or even with justice?" The answer is emphatically "No!" When my mind is in the state which I cannot but recognise as its most lucid state, I do not demand charity or justice even for my friends. I *crave* them, but I do not *demand* them as a condition of my approval of the universe. Something I do demand, but this is irrelevant to the present discussion.

The humanist half comes first. The personality chapter ends on the lecture’s floor — “It is not the individual as such that matters, but the vital, mental, spiritual activity which constitutes him… the whole aim of society should be to enhance the capacity of individuals for the life of reason and of love” — and the community chapter formalizes the lecture’s sociology into a worked triad of herd-mentality, individualism, and genuine community (Gerald Heard credited, and corrected), with a test the lecture never stated so crisply: “the degree of restriction of expression may be taken as a rough measure of a society’s approximation to community.” Sheet 25’s perverted worship even gets its psychological mechanism: personification as misplaced transference of “the reaction proper to persons” — “The religious devotee personifies almightiness and love. The patriot personifies the State or the People.”

Philosophy and Living II (1939) ↗ · ¶ 173 · ¶ 229 · ¶ 291 · ¶ 112 · ¶ 113 — quoted passages in context
In the light of the tentative findings of this chapter and the chapter on Immortality, we may, I think, draw a rather important conclusion. It is a two-fold conclusion. On the one hand we must not regard the human individual as being in some manner precious merely on account of his individuality; for his individuality is probably not the simple eternal thing that some suppose it to be. On the other hand the human individual is the ground of all that is to be prized, within the limits of our experience. From one point of view the importance of human individuals is apt to be overestimated, and from another point of view underestimated. It is not the individual as such that matters, but the vital, mental, spiritual activity which constitutes him. He matters not because he is himself, but because he is capable of knowing-feeling-willing, and particularly because he is capable in some degree of the most developed kind of knowing-feeling-willing, which can be very roughly summed up by the old words " reason " and " love." Because this is so, the whole aim of society should be to enhance the capacity of individuals for the life of reason and of love.
but tentatively putting forward ideas which academic philosophers might regard as outside the province of philosophy. It will be obvious that in formulating these ideas I have been influenced by the writings of Mr. Gerald Heard, but I have also, for my own purposes, modified his theories in some very important respects. Mr. Heard speaks of the " evolution of consciousness " from the pre-individual type, through the individual type, to the fully social type; but I cannot determine whether he is describing different kinds of attitudes taken up by the individual toward society or different forms of a communal consciousness or group mind. In what follows I shall discuss merely the attitudes taken up by the individual to his social environment.
The other essential pre-requisite of genuine community is freedom of expression. Communists sometimes argue that complete freedom of expression is impossible and undesirable. No society, they say, will tolerate or should tolerate the advocacy of policies that threaten to undermine the basic structure of the society. To this the answer is simple. Though in societies which have not attained genuine community some degree of restriction may be necessary, the fact that restriction is necessary proves that community has not been attained. Indeed, the degree of restriction of expression may be taken as a rough measure of a society's approximation to community. In no existing society is there complete freedom of expression for all classes. The Western democracies, bad as they are, are very superior to some other states in this respect.
When self-consciousness and other consciousness first dawn in the life of the child, and presumably also in the early stages of the evolution of the species, even lifeless objects tend at first to be regarded as persons and reacted to with behaviour proper to persons.
Thus the child personifies not only its doll but all striking physical objects. The savage personifies not only his fetish but winds, trees, rivers, rocks. Even the civilised adult tends to personify lifeless objects that receive much attention. The shipmaster personifies his vessel, the engineer his machine. We are all in danger of personifying abstract ideas and large groups of individuals. The religious devotee personifies almightiness and love. The patriot personifies the State or the People. These are all cases of misplaced transference of the reaction *proper to* persons, or at least to conscious beings.

The Heard credit-and-correction can now be given its texts on both sides. The book Philosophy and Living’s reading list names is The Ascent of Humanity (1929), and it is at last held (August 2026) — the acquisition took two false starts, since the scan first supplied under that title identifies itself, by its own front matter and preface (“THIS book concludes a trilogy”), as the trilogy’s third volume, The Source of Civilization (1935), and the one public scan the web offers under the 1929 title proved to be the same mislabeled 1935 book again. The 1929 book states the one idea it calls “fundamental” in a sentence: “Man’s consciousness was once pre-individual, a group consciousness, is now mainly individual, and is becoming super-individual.” The 1935 preface restates that thesis in Heard’s own retrospective words — faithfully, the two texts now confirm — and it is exactly the theory Stapledon engages. Society’s original cement, Heard had argued, was “the persistence of the animal group-consciousness right on into historic times” — “the persons at the top of society were self-conscious individuals, the vast mass remained unself-conscious and thus capable of an unquestioning cohesion which was the real social cement” — and the modern individual is a late, incomplete secession from that state: “Part of the spirit of the self-conscious individual is neither self-conscious nor individual but requires a linkage with his fellows in order that he may be whole,” a part “separated off by the growth of self-conscious individuality and the formation of an insulated ‘limen’.” Set beside this, P&L’s acknowledgement — “It will be obvious that in formulating these ideas I have been influenced by the writings of Mr. Gerald Heard, but I have also, for my own purposes, modified his theories in some very important respects” — resolves into two precise corrections. First, where Heard’s “evolution of consciousness” runs “from the pre-individual type, through the individual type, to the fully social type,” Stapledon refuses to decide what the theory is even about — “I cannot determine whether he is describing different kinds of attitudes taken up by the individual toward society or different forms of a communal consciousness or group mind. In what follows I shall discuss merely the attitudes” — de-metaphysicalizing the scheme into a psychology. Second, where Heard historicizes, Stapledon flattens the sequence into a standing repertoire: “I cannot believe, as Mr. Heard does, that it is possible to trace in history a gradual evolution” from herd-dominance to community; “Instead I incline to believe that the three attitudes have been common ever since our species emerged from the subhuman.” The reading list files the same two objections against the 1929 book by name — its “central idea” is “very significant,” but the book “telescopes” psychological evolution “into very much too short a period,” and “he never makes it clear to me whether the pre-individual kind of consciousness is literally a group mind or simply an un-selfconscious way of experiencing on the part of the individual. The latter, I hope.” Both objections can now be checked against their target, and both land. The telescoping is structural — the 1929 book runs whole psychic metamorphoses inside datable history, classical Greece “a desperate experiment in psychic evolution” in which man “failed to get through from full self-consciousness to superconsciousness.” And the held text answers the group-mind question — against the hope. Heard’s own Note to the Introduction makes the pre-individual state literal: the primitive constituent “must have been in constant telepathic communication with the rest of the group,” a linkage that “prevents any consciousness of individual separateness”; the individuals-only reading is reserved for the present, where co-consciousness proper “is now nowhere surviving.” Heard splits the ontology by epoch — which explains how Stapledon could honestly report the ambiguity, and why the hope was hopeless. That last hope is Stapledon compressed to a clause: take the developmental psychology, refuse the group mind — the same refusal his personification mechanism (above) turns against State- and People-worship, and the discipline that keeps sheet 25’s communal worship an experience of individuals facing the Other together rather than a fused herd-subject. Two footnotes round it off. Heard himself had begun the retreat by 1935 (“Further reflection, however, showed me that this cohesion is not great”). And the held third book’s own thesis — life advancing by “sensitiveness, awareness,” civilization surviving only if the individual can “experience extra-individuality” — sits near enough to the lecture’s watchwords (“keeping sensitive to the Superhuman”; “Advance = finer adjustment to reality”) to make the affinity legible, though the 1935 date rules this book out as a source for the 1934 sheets, and the direction of any influence there is not established.

Heard, The Source of Civilization (1935) ↗ · ¶ 46 · ¶ 57 · ¶ 61 · ¶ 1042 · ¶ 786 — quoted passages in context
THIS book concludes a trilogy It is the third part of an inquiry into the foundations of society These three books, *The Ascent of Humanity*, *The Social Substance of Religion*, and this final one have all been prompted by one desire, the hope of discovering what it is that has held and holds human society together, why it is that men manage to live socially Our age has learnt to look for the forces which control human action and shape behaviour below the level of consciousness Prior to this all studies made by modern men (though they were possessed of much archaeological and anthropological information denied earlier thinkers) were vitiated by the rationalist assumption that individuals created society either out of mutual convenience-co-operation, enlightened self-interest (the Social Contract) or were kept organized as societies by the enlightened self-interest of one despot who coerced them by violence or debauched them with spoil
In my first speculation — *The Ascent of Humanity* — I thought such a force could only be the relic of an instinct — the persistence of the animal group-consciousness right on into historic times The historical hypothesis then runs as follows that while no doubt the persons at the top of society were self-conscious individuals, the vast mass remained unself-conscious and thus capable of an unquestioning cohesion which was the real social cement, or to use Walter Bagehot's phrase, the binding in 'the cake of custom' I still believe that to be a factor underrated or completely disregarded by historians who never doubted that their own acute self-consciousness was and always had been possessed by every man, civilized or savage Further reflection, however, showed me that this cohesion is not great and in many societies for thousands of years has certainly not by itself been sufficient to prevent social dissolution. It was necessary therefore to look for some conservative force which might have power to appeal to primitive feelings of group loyalty and recreate a less self-conscious and competitive frame of mind among associated men. Religion was inevitably the answer.
arises from the assuaging of psychological needs which exist now in the subconscious Part of the spirit of the self-conscious individual is neither self-conscious nor individual but requires a linkage with his fellows in order that he may be whole That part, however, has become separated off by the growth of self-conscious individuality and the formation of an insulated 'limen', or threshold of consciousness, between the self-conscious individuality and the subconscious
We have found that the latest knowledge shows that we are not — as we assumed — sprung from a fighting stock On the contrary our advance is wholly due to our having retained to the end, what all other forms of life to some degree lost, sensitiveness, awareness For that purpose, for that essential requirement of progress, we have kept ourselves free of defensiveness and all narrowing specialization As we have gone on in general capacity, receptiveness and adaptability we have had to keep on casting off any crust of custom, any unquestioned reaction, any quick, sure, hard efficiency, and constantly to break ourself out of any rut of safety This is the principle of foetalization. It is not enough merely to remain uncommitted As consciousness grows and becomes more intense, the living being has deliberately to open itself to new possibilities and impressions to which it has no prepared reply, to new riddles and questions to which it has no ready answer, to new interests which seem unwise, to new sympathies which seem unsafe The
What reformed religion, real, implemented, morality requires, is a method whereby the individual himself (the more powerful and wilful he is, the more this is required for his own sake and for society's) may experience extra-individuality, not merely hear a person he can seldom respect give proof (sometimes remarkable, sometimes not) of that extra-individuality, that collective subconsciousness or co-consciousness
Heard, The Ascent of Humanity (1929) ↗ · ¶ 75 · ¶ 478 · ¶ 77 · ¶ 78 — quoted passages in context
IN this essay it will be obvious that however many of the detailed connections and associations may be provisional, however many ideas have been followed up because they seemed in themselves significant and not because they are here entirely incorporated in the main hypothesis (indeed it is hoped that some may serve to enlarge and develop it), there is one which is fundamental: Man's consciousness was once pre-individual, a group consciousness, is now mainly individual, and is becoming super-individual.
[page 141] an end of the accidental international calm which between the senescence of the Persian and the rise of the Macedonian Empire had permitted the Greek city-state to disregard any law of growth save that of the individuality of its citizens. The Greek had never made and indeed could not make any provision against the ending of this strange short day, and when it was done he was overwhelmed. He could make no provision because he was making, though he could not consciously realize it, a desperate experiment in psychic evolution. For this the state had been reduced and kept well below any limit of political safety. It might be that he would touch the happy isles, it might be that the deeps would wash him down. As it was, he failed to get through from full self-consciousness to superconsciousness. He was still fatally individual when the day of accidental opportunity ended. Nor, had further time been granted, a wider calm ensued, can we be certain that he would have achieved the most difficult of all metamorphoses, that of the human spirit; a crisis wherein we too may perish. Through the growth of consciousness his time-sense had been extended until he was completely cut off from the eternity of the savage and the child—the timelessness of the co-conscious. He could look backward and ahead. He could compare this lustrum with those before and after, he even attempted to compare his own civilization with those which had vanished.33 He had not the historic knowledge, far less the psychological insight, necessary for such a judgment, and he began to sink in gloom. His own vivid sense of individuality, the sharper it grew, emphasized the more his fatal separation from life. He was no more than an offshoot doomed to certain failure from the moment that it became conscious of its separate existence. In front clearly, less than a thousand months distant, stood the blank wall of the tomb, every day growing more evident at the path's end.
[page 15] in all individuals, divides the conscious from the subconscious has not yet risen. We know therefore that the constituent must have been in constant telepathic communication with the rest of the group (see Chapter VIII), and that such a connection not only gives a group sense but also prevents any consciousness of individual separateness. That such a state may be impossible for us individualized beings to conceive does not affect the question of its existence, because by the nature of our individuality we are incapable of being conscious of the “subconscious,” though it is always present with us.
There is, however, besides the use of the term co-conscious, one other possible misunderstanding to guard against in this matter. Though the term co-conscious is used of the primitive, I emphasize that the primitive condition, though its existence can be deduced, is now nowhere surviving. This age is, we ourselves are, the individual phase of human history: of that let there be no doubt, although already there are glimmers, across the threshold, of a larger field of illumination. In the whole of this essay I have not attributed anywhere to society as we now experience it any nature other than that which might be accounted for by full psychological knowledge of all its parts, its individuals. This has to be noted because so many sociological authorities, from Lazarus and Steinthal to Durkheim, Wundt, and McDougall, have given different degrees of approval to the attribution to the individual-disintegrated society of today of a psychic unity which can only exist among pre-individual groups, or in a society which is post-individual. Therefore with the criticisms of Dr. Ginsberg, who in his lucid *Psychology of Society* reviews and passes judgment on these theories, I am in agreement. There is, however, one respect in which I could wish that he had been able to extend his conclusions. He finds that there is no evidence that the spirit of any society of which we can have contemporary knowledge is other than the sum of the spirits of its individuals and he searchingly deals with *ad auctoritatem* arguments advanced to support mystic nationalism, etc. He shows that Dr. McDougall, though a cautious advocate of the “group mind,” goes too far when he would argue that highly organized societies attain a degree of intelligence
Philosophy and Living II (1939) ↗ · ¶ 229 · ¶ 231 · ¶ 232 · ¶ 853 · ¶ 854 — quoted passages in context
but tentatively putting forward ideas which academic philosophers might regard as outside the province of philosophy. It will be obvious that in formulating these ideas I have been influenced by the writings of Mr. Gerald Heard, but I have also, for my own purposes, modified his theories in some very important respects. Mr. Heard speaks of the " evolution of consciousness " from the pre-individual type, through the individual type, to the fully social type; but I cannot determine whether he is describing different kinds of attitudes taken up by the individual toward society or different forms of a communal consciousness or group mind. In what follows I shall discuss merely the attitudes taken up by the individual to his social environment.
I cannot believe, as Mr. Heard does, that it is possible to trace in history a gradual evolution from a condition when the herd mentality, the most primitive
social attitude, was overwhelmingly dominant to a condition in which the most developed will for true community is intermittently occurring. Instead I incline to believe that the three attitudes have been common ever since our species emerged from the subhuman, and that throughout the historical period the individualistic attitude has been commonest. On the other hand, it may well be that in the highest subhuman mammals, and even in the earliest, most primitive human races, the herd-mentality dominates. It may be that in a biological type higher than our own the dominant mentality would be that of genuine community. But again it is not inconceivable that even in the case of *Homo Sapiens* more favourable social and economic conditions and better education may in the long run immensely strengthen the rudimentary community-will in each generation, and that in time even the imperfect nature of our species may be conditioned to genuine community.
For the three kinds of social mentality, read Gerald Heard's *The Ascent of Humanity*, the central idea of which is very significant, though for my part I suspect that the book " telescopes " the process of psychological evolution into very much too short a period. Also, he never makes it clear to me
whether the pre-individual kind of consciousness is literally a group mind or simply an un-selfconscious way of experiencing on the part of the individual. The latter, I hope.

The superhumanist half arrives in the Conclusions chapter, and it is the 1934 lecture’s second movement in textbook prose. The mysticism section names the object of worship in the lecture’s own key — the reality disclosed in ecstatic experience is “sometimes referred to in terms of dread, and even terror, as the divine and ruthless ‘Other,’ rightly careless of man and his petty desires” — and the personality chapter has already defined the experience attitudinally, exactly as the lecture does: its essence “consists not in discovering new truth but in taking up a new attitude… of delighted or even ecstatic acceptance of the universe.” The Star Maker climax appears as flat doctrine: in the mystical mode a man “realises that it is foolish and impious to demand that the universe shall be moral, or that the universal spirit shall be moral, or that ‘God’ shall be good. These, he feels, do not exist for the sake of morality. On the contrary, morality exists for them.” And the chapter closes by formalizing the lecture’s double loyalty as “the two fundamental religious experiences… between the moral protest, which seeks to alter the universe, and the ecstatic acceptance of the universe, with all its glory and its shame.” Nor does the textbook pretend the two halves fit. Its Conclusions admit, in order: that “mystical experience is both one of the most dangerous moral snares and one of the most important sources of moral strength”; that “Plainly there is a logical conflict here, and it is useless to pretend that there is not”; and that the acceptance-side “good” is, “it must be admitted, both unintelligible and dangerous… because it may lead to a complacent acquiescence in the misfortunes of others, as being ‘all in the picture,’ all needed for the perfection of the universe” — the exact charge the lecture’s humanist critic had pressed. Only then comes the honest classroom shrug that is pure Stapledon: “if this intellectual reconciliation is unsound, which it may well be, let us never forget that these two experiences do in fact support one another, and that for the wise conduct of practical life both are needed.” That is A Man Divided’s “both at once, always,” taught to evening students eleven years early.

Philosophy and Living II (1939) ↗ · ¶ 712 · ¶ 150 · ¶ 742 · ¶ 743 · ¶ 732 · ¶ 735 · ¶ 736 · ¶ 744 — quoted passages in context
In general the ecstatic experience, which is the mystic's supreme reward, is said to give profound insight into the essential nature of reality, along with a stammering inability to describe *what* has been revealed, save in the most metaphorical and paradoxical terms. Sometimes the reality thus revealed is referred to in terms of dread, and even terror, as the divine and ruthless "Other," rightly careless of man and his petty desires. In some cultures, on the other hand, it is said to be the divine, personified Love, which embraces, or gathers up into itself, the spirit of the individual lover of this all-loving God. In other cultures it appears as the impersonal and wholly dispassionate universal spirit, or the underlying reality which constitutes the unity of all things. One point on which there is general agreement is that in the supreme experience time is in some sense transcended. What is discovered is a reality which is eternal.
For my part, and speaking mainly with reference to such traces of seemingly mystical experience as have happened in my own life, I hazard the suggestion that the essence of the experience consists not in discovering new truth but in taking up a new attitude, an attitude which I can only describe as one of delighted or even ecstatic acceptance of the universe.
self, or even to the service of the ideal of personality-in-community, but is able, so to speak, haltingly to feel all things from the universal point of view. In this mode of experience he recognises intuitively that the cosmos *is* an overwhelmingly glorious thing, and that all the struggle and defeat and agony of finite minds, no less than their partial triumph, are justified by the perfection of the whole. He realises that it is foolish and impious to demand that the universe shall be moral, or that the universal spirit shall be moral, or that " God " shall be good. These, he feels, do not exist for the sake of morality. On the contrary, morality exists for them.
In some such manner we may try to cope with the seeming logical conflict between the two fundamental religious experiences : between the moral protest, which seeks to alter the universe, and the ecstatic acceptance of the universe, with all its glory and its shame, its joy and its distress, its beauty, and all its squalor.
gropingly reaches out to a mode of apprehension very different from all " normal " experience. This kind of apprehension is attained confusedly and precariously by quite a large number of people in the course of normal experiences, though it is seldom recognised as such. A very small number, whose mental development reaches to the extreme limit of human capacity, enjoy a much fuller measure of it, and can know it with much greater clarity and assurance. I suggest further that mystical experience is both one of the most dangerous moral snares and one of the most important sources of moral strength, not only for those who go far in it but also for all normally sensitive and intelligent persons.
In this theory of mystical experience there is a very serious difficulty. How can the mystical attitude of delighted acceptance of the universe as perfect be reconciled with the moral attitude which distinguishes between good and bad, right and wrong, and recognises an obligation to struggle for the good against the bad, seeking thus to improve a universe which is regarded as very far from perfect ? Plainly there is a logical conflict here, and it is useless to pretend that there is not.
I have argued that moral right and wrong depend on the intuited goodness of the free activity of conscious beings, and particularly on the fulfilling of personality-in-community. It almost seems as though the mystic, and the plain man in his rare half-mystical apprehension, had access to another kind of " good," independent of conscious beings, a " good " which somehow embraced ordinary good and evil, right and wrong. This view, it must be admitted, is both unintelligible and dangerous. It is dangerous because it may lead to a complacent acquiescence in the misfortunes of others, as being " all in the picture," all needed for the perfection of the universe.
But if this intellectual reconciliation is unsound, which it may well be, let us never forget that these two experiences do in fact support one another, and that for the wise conduct of practical life both are needed.

Two structural anticipations matter for the later documents. First, the reconciliation runs through a two-aspect anthropology — the finite individual whose “whole duty is to champion the cause of personality-in-community,” and another aspect that “finds precarious contact with the eternal and perfected spirit of the cosmos” — the germ of the 1946 lecture’s “more awake and less awake states” (§3.8). Second, the conclusions give personality-in-community cosmic scope (“scattered among the myriads of stars, there are, or will be, purposeful beings as superior to us as we are to the amœba”) and cite the novel by name: “In my earlier book, Star Maker, I have sketched an imaginary history of the cosmos on these lines” — the fiction offered, in his own voice, as the metaphysics chapter’s imaginative appendix.

Philosophy and Living II (1939) ↗ · ¶ 739 · ¶ 740 · ¶ 654 · ¶ 659 — quoted passages in context
It may be that at the human level of mental development a satisfactory intellectual solution of this conflict between moral protest and mystical acceptance is impossible. But we may grope toward a solution in the following manner. We may regard the human mind as having two aspects. In the one aspect a man is a finite individual; and his concern, his whole duty, is to champion the cause of personality-in-community in the human world. And this human enterprise is probably one minor theme in the universal enterprise of the advancement of the spirit through personality-in-community in a host of worlds. It may be that at some date in the history of the cosmos this enterprise will be fulfilled in the attainment of the perfection of knowing-feeling-striving through the experience of some cosmical society of worlds. Or perhaps this is too trite a way of conceiving the culmination of the cosmical process. Perhaps the spiritual perfection of the cosmos as a whole involves no such triumph of the enterprise of finite minds, but rather their partial defeat, much as the well-being of a living organism involves all sorts of internal, intra-organic conflicts, strains, and partial defeats. Of this we know nothing. But clearly the human individual in one of his aspects feels called to play a minute part in the great widespread struggle for personality-in-community.
Let us suppose, however, that he has also another aspect, in which he finds precarious contact with the eternal and perfected spirit of the cosmos, and in which his will tends to conform to that spirit, in the sense that he is no longer enslaved to the cravings of the separate
Tentatively we may draw another conclusion, of a different type, which involves not only philosophy but science. There seems some reason to believe that purposiveness, which in one manner or another characterises all conscious behaviour, must play a very large part in the universe. When we remember the size of the physical universe and the immensities of the past and the future, we cannot but believe that, scattered among the myriads of stars, there are, or will be, purposeful beings as superior to us as we are to the amœba. Of these beings we can conceive almost nothing, but from the examination of our own experience we are entitled to draw certain tentative conclusions about them. So far as we know, all conscious beings are essentially active. And when they develop beyond the level of blind impulse, they tend to *desire* the fulfilment of their particular capacities for action. These capacities, as we have seen, vary in complexity and subtlety. And conscious beings also vary in the degree of the integration of their capacities. That is, some conscious beings are more unified, more highly organised than others. It is reasonable to suppose that, throughout the universe, conscious beings vary immensely both in the richness of their capacities and in the degree of integration of their capacities to form unified systems.
conscious beings, and is in some manner deeply rooted in the nature of the universe. It is no fixed goal, but one which at the best of times tends to recede faster than it is approached. For the activity of conscious beings produces novel situations in which new forms of personality and of community emerge, and new, hitherto inconceivable capacities demand expression. By means of intelligence and creative imagination conscious beings can sometimes so manipulate reality in the external world and in themselves that it will manifest entirely new aspects of itself. In my earlier book, *Star Maker*, I have sketched an imaginary history of the cosmos on these lines.

Three smaller threads bind the archive together. The axiological half of the Brighton 1949 position on the paranormal (§3.10) is already fixed here — though across a changed question, for 1939 grades the powers in general where 1949 grades what proof of survival would add, and the epistemics meanwhile move from hedged personal inclination to reported expert consensus (the Brighton dossier draws the comparison precisely): telepathy and clairvoyance he inclines, “with much hesitation,” to believe real (“I am not in a position to judge whether such powers exist or not”), and they “may constitute a fragmentary hint of powers proper to a higher plane of evolution,” yet “I cannot see anything particularly lofty about them… in themselves they are merely strange modes of perceiving events of commonplace order.” The reading appendix keeps Otto on the syllabus, recommending The Idea of the Holy as “a corrective to the much commoner idea that the essence of religion is the conviction of the deity’s friendliness” — a fair précis of the book now that it is held: Otto’s chapter on the Wrath of God (“like a hidden force of nature,” “incalculable” and “arbitrary”) is aimed precisely at “those persons who will recognize nothing in the divine nature but goodness, gentleness, love, and a sort of confidential intimacy, in a word, only those aspects of God which turn towards the world of men.” And the final chapter — “The Practical Upshot,” the 1939 politics of the double loyalty (“We are losing faith in the free critical intelligence. And we are losing faith in charity”; economic determinism “is thrusting us not toward the Marxian Utopia but toward Fascism”; the Left “must also find both a philosophy and a religion”) — opens with the Spectral Tarsier, of which the book says: “Not by weapons but by correlation of subtle eyes and subtle hands through subtle brain, this creature triumphed.” That same tarsier, with the same triad (“discrimination manipulation versatility”), opens the Alternative Futures lecture notes in our archive: he was lecturing from this book’s last chapter.

Otto, The Idea of the Holy (1923) ↗ · ¶ 106 · ¶ 107 — quoted passages in context
The referring of this feeling of numinous 'tremor' to its object in the numen brings into relief a 'property' of the latter which plays an important part in our Holy Scriptures, and which has been the occasion of many difficulties, both to commentators and to theologians, from its puzzling and baffling nature. This is the ὀργή (*orgé*), the Wrath of Yahweh, which recurs in the New Testament as ὀργὴ θεοῦ, and which is clearly analogous to the idea occurring in many religions of a mysterious 'ira deorum'. To pass through the Indian Pantheon of Gods is to find deities who seem to be made up altogether out of such an ὀργή; and even the higher Indian gods of grace and pardon have frequently, beside their merciful, their 'wrath' form. But as regards the 'Wrath of Yahweh', the strange features about it have for long been a matter for constant remark. In the first place, it is patent from many passages of the Old Testament that this 'Wrath' has no concern whatever with moral qualities. There is something very baffling in the way in which it 'is kindled' and manifested. It is, as has been well said, 'like a hidden force of nature', like stored-up electricity, discharging itself upon any one who comes too near. It is 'incalculable' and 'arbitrary'. Any one who is accustomed to think of deity only by its rational attributes must see in this 'Wrath' mere caprice and wilful passion. But such a view would have been emphatically rejected by the religious men of the Old Covenant, for to them the Wrath of God, so far from being a diminution of His Godhead, appears as a natural expression of it, an element of 'holiness' itself, and a quite indispensable one. And in this they are entirely right. This *ὀργή* is nothing but the 'tremendum' itself, apprehended and expressed by the aid of a naïve analogy from the domain of natural experience, in this case from the ordinary passional life of men. But naïve as it may be, the analogy is most disconcertingly apt and striking; so much so that it will always retain its value, and for us no less than for the men of old be an inevitable way of expressing one element in the religious emotion. It cannot be doubted that, despite the protest of Schleiermacher and Ritschl, Christianity also has something to teach of the 'Wrath of God'.
It will be again at once apparent that in the use of this word we are not concerned with a genuine intellectual 'concept', but only with a sort of illustrative substitute for a concept. 'Wrath' here is the 'ideogram' of a unique emotional moment in religious experience, a moment whose singularly daunting and awe-inspiring character must be gravely disturbing to those persons who will recognize nothing in the divine nature but goodness, gentleness, love, and a sort of confidential intimacy, in a word, only those aspects of God which turn towards the world of men.
Philosophy and Living II (1939) ↗ · ¶ 142 · ¶ 74 · ¶ 865 · ¶ 750 · ¶ 780 · ¶ 795 · ¶ 751 — quoted passages in context
Some claim that telepathy and clairvoyance and prevision of the future are high-level powers characteristic of the upper reaches. I am not in a position to judge whether such powers exist or not, though on the whole I incline with much hesitation to believe that in some form or other they do. But I cannot see anything particularly lofty about them. They may be *consequences* of high development, but in themselves they are merely strange modes of perceiving events of commonplace order.
These cognitive powers, though they may vary in degree in different individuals, are common in some degree to all. Besides these powers we must allow the possibility of others which the average man lacks, or has only in a negligible degree. There is some evidence that at least a few individuals, perhaps all to some extent, are capable of "telepathy," of direct access to the experience of others, without the mediation of the senses. This conclusion is at least strongly suggested by recent experiments. Still more surprising, experiment has also seemed to support the claim that some are capable of "clairvoyance," of "extra-sensory" perception of physical facts which could not be reached either by the normal channels or by telepathy. Such claims need to be supported by a much greater mass of evidence before they can be accepted as fully established; but in the present state of human knowledge it would be foolish to rule out the possibility of such powers. It is, after all, very probable that our present naively materialistic knowledge touches only the fringe of reality. Supernormal modes of cognition may actually occur amongst us; and they may constitute a fragmentary hint of powers proper to a higher plane of evolution.
Mystical experience, also, is discussed by Osborn. The most comprehensive and readable survey is Evelyn Underhill’s *Mysticism*. Rudolf Otto’s *The Idea of the Holy* is a short book which stresses awe as an element in religious experience, and is important as a corrective to the much commoner idea that the essence of religion is the conviction of the deity’s friendliness. A sceptical, yet in a sense curiously mystical, attitude, reminiscent of Spinoza’s “intellectual love of God,” is admirably expressed in G. Santayana’s *Platonism and the Spiritual Life*. Bertrand Russell’s *Religion and Science* (Home University Library) is a concise summary of the sceptical view of religion. All who are interested in the psychology of religion should read William James’s classic, *The Varieties of Religious Experience*. A useful and brief modern survey is R. H. Thouless’s *An Introduction to the Psychology of Religion*.
living. We are losing faith in the free critical intelligence. And we are losing faith in charity.
It appears, then, that not only in the Fascist countries, and not only in these and Russia, but also in the "Democracies," there is a steady flight from the principles of Liberalism, both good and bad. I suggest that this cultural change is at bottom a consequence of the economic forces at work in our day. In fact I suggest that economic determinism is thrusting us not toward the Marxian Utopia but toward Fascism; and that, if economic determinism cannot be restrained, we are doomed.
to be brought together to form a really effective movement for radical social change and world change, they must not only be taught true theories and sound policies; they must also find both a philosophy and a religion. And for this end the leaders of this great movement, which is so slowly and so tardily coming into being, must manifestly appear to be not only astute politicians, not only wise statesmen, but moral leaders. They must have the very highest degree of personal integrity. And by personal integrity I mean not merely incorruptibility in the face of personal temptations; for this is, or should be, a commonplace political virtue. I mean far more than this, namely that these champions of a new world must be relied on to preserve through all the excitements and emergencies of political action their fundamental loyalty to the ideal of personality-in-community and their respect for the free critical intelligence. I mean that they must be manifestly incapable of seeking any speedy but superficial triumph for the cause by means which in the long run will frustrate the achievement of the true social aim.
To understand the importance of this change, let us remember how our species triumphed. Throughout man's career intelligence and charity have been man's distinctive and most valuable assets. One of our early pre-human ancestors is said to have been much like the Spectral Tarsier, a little mammal about the size of a mouse, with long wiry fingers and huge forward-looking eyes adapted for binocular vision. Not by weapons but by correlation of subtle eyes and subtle hands through subtle brain, this creature triumphed. And man himself conquered the world by the same means, by attention, by discrimination, by skilled manipulation, by versatility; in fact by intelligence and imagination in adapting himself to an ever-changing environment.

3.7b Beyond the “Isms” (1942): the salute under the Blitz — and “agnostic piety” already in print

Between the Pelican syllabus and the Conway Hall return, the record used to go quiet: the war years offered no discursive statement of the position, and the analysis had to jump from 1939 to 1946. The gap is now closed. Beyond the “Isms” (1942) — Searchlight Book No. 16, the sixpenny series Orwell’s Lion and the Unicorn opened — is Stapledon’s wartime personal statement, and it is the missing developmental document: commissioned in mid-1941 for “Secker and Warburg’s series of blue-jacketed paperbacks known as ‘Searchlight Books,’” little volumes “designed to blueprint the post-war world,” published the following March, and marked in the writing by a personal crisis rather than by the troop-lecturing this analysis once guessed at — its own preface says it became “a much more personal book than I had planned” (Crossley ties the change to the events of 1941–42 in Stapledon’s private life; see ERRATA.md for the correction). It is the 1934 position restated with the bombs falling, and audibly changed by them. (Acquired via the owner’s scan, August 2026; in US copyright, so held in the research corpus and quoted here in excerpt.)

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1099 · ¶ 1101 — quoted passages in context
In that season of renewed hopefulness in the middle of 1941, Olaf worked on a book for Secker and Warburg's series of blue-jacketed paperbacks known as "Searchlight Books," little volumes "designed to blueprint the post-war world."[33] With a direct reference to the world's amazement at Russia's "titanic battle" against the Nazi war machine taking place as he wrote, Stapledon shone his "Searchlight" on three major changes that needed to come out of the war: an effective world government, the creation of a social welfare state, and a new ethics of human living. All three, he argued, were interdependent, but the last was fundamental. He told Mary he might simply call his book *Human Living*, but eventually it was titled *Beyond the "Isms"*[34]
"Mr. Stapledon knows all the answers," a Church of England reviewer remarked sarcastically. The nondoctrinal approach to spirituality in *Beyond the "Isms"* caused Charles Williams to see him as "called to the Way of Rejection" and the pseudonymous John O'London to complain that "to Mr. Stapledon the mere word 'spirit' seems to be a kind of abracadabra—a charm or spell against all error."[36] Even approving critics, however, passed over an intriguing aside in the preface to *Beyond the "Isms"*. This was not the book his publisher had bargained for, the author stated; in its making it became "a much more personal book than I had planned."[37] A remarkable instance of the insertion of his own life into the book's argument occurs in a passage on Nazi atrocities. Stapledon described a feeling "that the universe is no more than a huge desert of matter with here and there an equally futile, and a tortured, living dust. I, at least, have recently faced this despair. Events in my personal life have perhaps quickened my perception of it, and forced me also to see beyond it."[38] Such autobiographical mumbling is rare in his nonfiction, but the private difficulties he alluded to had had a uniquely disruptive effect on him.

The wartime platform itself — which this analysis once mistook for the book’s origin — still deserves its own dated record, because it is the ecology in which every 1940s statement was delivered, and the biography documents both its scale and a real change in Stapledon’s pedagogy. Civilian forces-lecturing ran at industrial volume: “At its busiest, the program had four thousand courses running during a six-month period in 1943, and over sixty thousand individual lectures were delivered. Many of the lecturers, like Olaf, were veterans of the Workers’ Educational Association.” The audiences were unlike anything the WEA had trained him on — conscripts who “had had no say about attending” — and the contrast changed his mind about his own tradition: “Trained in the voluntary tradition of the WEA, Olaf at first found teaching soldiers forced to be students distasteful, but by the end of the war he had changed his mind,” arguing in his own words that “only by compulsion is it possible to reach the people who need adult education most, the people who would never dream of taking the initial plunge freely.” His stated reason for the work is the whole lecture-shelf’s politics in a sentence: “We shall never have a real democracy… till masses of ordinary people are educated for democratic citizenship.” (None of this re-dates the book: the mid-1941 Searchlight commission stands, and the withdrawn troop-circuit genesis claim stays withdrawn — see ERRATA.md.)

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1155 · ¶ 1156 · ¶ 1157 — quoted passages in context
The War Office's provision for lectures, discussion groups, and short courses arose out of concern over the boredom of troops stationed for long periods of time at home bases. Much of the teaching was done by military officers through the Army Bureau of Current Affairs, but there was a demand for trained civilian tutors as well. Regional Committees for Education in H.M. Forces operated as lecture agencies, matching requests for courses or single talks with the available pool of civilian volunteers. At its busiest, the program had four thousand courses running during a six-month period in 1943, and over sixty thousand individual lectures were delivered. Many of the lecturers, like Olaf, were veterans of the Workers' Educational Association.[18] He, however, was not moved by official calls for improving morale and keeping soldiers from getting "browned off." Stapledon's utopian aim was to form a critical mass of thoughtful activists who would apply their experience in the world war to the making of a healthier postwar world. Lecturing to troops thrown together in a relatively classless camp was an experiment in democracy. For almost half a century, the WEA had been an educational laboratory for a small proportion of the population; the huge conscripted force allowed the experiment to be tried on a much larger scale. "We shall never have a real democracy," Olaf wrote of his reason for teaching in the forces, "till masses of ordinary people are educated for democratic citizenship."[19]
Rarely did audiences display an immediately visible interest in the scheme. A lecturer found that the men or women being addressed had had no say about attending, and some showed their resentment by refusing to join the discussion. Even the most polite troops typically began with the assumption that lectures were a waste of time, and the speaker would have to cajole them out of silence. Trained in the voluntary tradition of the WEA, Olaf at first found teaching soldiers forced to be students distasteful, but by the end of the war he had changed his mind. He felt there was a strong case for making education a compulsory part of military service:
No doubt from the lecturer's point of view it is much more pleasant to talk to volunteers than to educational conscripts, but he should accept the situation as a challenge to his teaching ability. It is up to him to create the right relationship with his audience, and make them glad they were compelled to come. Another reason for compulsory adult education is that only by compulsion is it possible to reach the people who need adult education most, the people who would never dream of taking the initial plunge freely.[20]

The book’s business is salvage. Its Foreword announces the lecture’s own two-sided posture — an attitude combining “bland assurance about fundamental values with an almost complete agnosticism about the universe at large” — and Part II narrates the collapse of Christianity as the loss of a feeling, not the refutation of propositions: “The virgin birth, the remission of sins, the resurrection” and the rest could only be believed metaphorically, and “all these intellectual formulations, even ‘God’, could have been sacrificed without harm if only men could have retained the inarticulate feeling of the reality and beauty of the spirit.” What is salvaged is a perception, never a proposition: “the essential thing in religious experience is the discovery of the spirit,” and speculation about the spirit’s cosmic status is free but “intellectual integrity forbids that we should allow the findings of such speculations ever to become articles of faith.” Waking World’s sham-versus-genuine test (§3.5) recurs at every level, translated but intact: the “commoner sort” of believer held by the wish to “avoid eternal damnation” against the few for whom the church transmits the real thing; “The great and bloody crime of the churches has been that they have so often and so subtly murdered the spirit in men, while affirming their loyalty to it”; even the sense of sin is split on the 1934 axis — morbid fear-guilt versus “love-guilt,” which “is an inevitable and wholesome consequence of disloyalty to the thing loved.” And the 1946 lecture’s theological translations (§3.8) are already operating here, four years early: “doing things for the glory of God” is rendered as action under the spell of the spirit — “This, I take it, is the essence of what the religious people mean when they speak” of it — with conversion, sin and worship systematically translated the same way, and P&L’s coinage carried forward as the book’s social formula: “The spirit manifests itself solely in personality-in-community.”

Beyond the “Isms” (1942) ↗ · ¶ 23 · ¶ 90 · ¶ 233 · ¶ 286 · ¶ 56 · ¶ 169 · ¶ 235 · ¶ 238 · ¶ 288 — quoted passages in context
" Faith " is perhaps the wrong word to apply to an attitude which combines bland assurance about fundamental values with an almost complete agnosticism about the universe at large. My conviction is really not a faith for a certainty, the one cherished and enheartening certainty of a mind that is resolutely sceptical.
But the theoretical attack on religion might well have led not to irreligion but to a further purifying and strengthening of the essential loyalty to the spirit, had it not been for the blinding influence of commercialism. It is quite true that the theoretical trappings of religion have been torn to pieces by criticism derived from the new scientific temper. The virgin birth, the remission of sins, the resurrection, trans-substantiation, the Bible story of creation, can only be believed in a very metaphorical sense, if at all, by those who have come under the influence of science. Personal immortality is now, to say the least, very doubtful. “God”, the almighty and all-loving person, source and goal of all existence, is no longer an ever-present reality in men’s minds. For many men the word “God” is reduced to an almost meaningless noise. At most it calls up an outworn fantasy bred of wishful thinking. Nevertheless, all these intellectual formulations, even “God”, could have been sacrificed without harm if only men could have retained the inarticulate *feeling* of the reality and beauty of the spirit, the sense of the absolute rightness of a certain mode or temper of experience and conduct.
This is a mistake. Something else does occur in religious conversion, something which does not involve doubtful theories about the universe and man’s place in it, and is not simply a product of suppressed primitive cravings. This something also plays a part in experiences which are not ordinarily called religious and are not expressed in the language of religion, but are in fact essentially identical with the essential core of religious experience. For the essential thing in religious experience is the discovery of the spirit, or the discovery of the supreme rightness and beauty of the way of life which is called the way of the spirit, the discovery not merely that the way of the spirit is the way of true personal well-being but that this way of living is what persons are *for*, that they are essentially instruments for the expressing, manifesting, actualising of the spirit in concrete living, just as wings are for flying and violins for music. Oh, yes, I know that this is intellectually a very doubtful statement, but for the moment I am merely describing a state of mind, not defending a theory.
All this is ancient truth, and of the first importance ; but this central experience of Christianity must be complemented by the central emotional experience of the best scientific minds, namely the sense of the intrinsic rightness and beauty of intellectual integrity, of dispassionate observation and reasoning. Not love alone but intellectual integrity also is demanded in the life of the spirit. And in pursuit of intellectual integrity we must reject all the wishful and doubtful intellectual doctrines that have been added to the central Christian experience. Thus we are left with no support whatever but the one unfailing support, namely the perception of the goodness and beauty of the spirit, and the rightness of the way of the spirit. We may, if we desire, indulge in tentative speculations about the part played by the spirit in the universe. Indeed, it is right that we should do this, for it is involved in the way of the spirit. But intellectual integrity forbids that we should allow the findings of such speculations ever to become articles of faith. Our sole "faith" must be our supreme perceived certainty, namely our perception of the spirit as intrinsically good and the way of the spirit as intrinsically right, and of ourselves as essentially instruments of the spirit. In perceiving this certainty, and allowing it due weight in our lives, we do not violate scientific intellectual integrity ; on the contrary, it is the scientific materialist who, by denying this patent fact, violates his own canons.
He gave a feeling of the power which the Roman Church has for the *best* of its members. The commoner sort, I knew, were held simply by the belief that by obeying the Church they would avoid eternal damnation. They surrendered conscience and intelligence into the hands of the priests, hoping thereby to gain bliss after death. I now had to recognize another sort of Roman Catholic.
It takes a certain courage for anyone like me to use this word. As I have said, it is so misleading, so debased, so dirtied with cant and hypocrisy. For the word " spirit " has been fouled over and over again by those who have no real perception of the spirit. The whole language of religion, formerly significant, has degenerated into a mere jargon. Recently it was at least a smart though already shabby overcoat covering sins ; to-day it is in tatters. We cannot help seeing through it to a peculiarly horrible corruption, to a disease of the spirit, a fatal addiction to self-deception, an irreparable lack of precision in feeling and in thought, an incapacity for sincere action. The great and bloody crime of the churches has been that they have so often and so subtly murdered the spirit in men, while affirming their loyalty to it. Lest one should seem to be an accomplice in this crime, it is necessary to protest against it before daring to use any of the old terms again. Modern scepticism, however superficial and trivial its little cleverness, at least sprang from a wholesome revulsion against something far worse; sprang, in fact, from unwitting loyalty to the spirit.
Here it is necessary to say something about the sense of sin, which has played so great a part in religion and is so unfashionable a feeling in our own day. It is generally regarded by average modernistic minds as a symptom of mental disorder. There is, indeed, a kind of sin-consciousness which is morbid, and poisonous to the spirit, but there is another which is salutary. The unwholesome kind is simply a haunting fear of the unpleasant consequences of an act believed to be evil. Such is a murderer's fear of punishment, in which there is no genuine repentance. Such is the objectless dread that a neurotic may feel as a result of some repressed violation of parental taboo. But there is another guiltiness which arises from the true sense of *sin*, the sense of having betrayed values which one holds sacred. The former is a guiltiness rooted simply in fear for one's own personal well-being ; the other is guiltiness rooted in disinterested love. Fear-guilt is merely cramping and poisoning ; love-guilt is an inevitable and wholesome consequence of disloyalty to the thing loved. The true sense of sin is love-guilt on account of the spirit. Without it no one can begin to live according to the dictates of the spirit.
But while a man actually is under the spell of the spirit, all that he does will be done fundamentally for the spirit's sake. This, I take it, is the essence of what the religious people mean when they speak of doing things "for the glory of God". Every little act can be done with consciousness of its bearing upon the spirit. Every person encountered will be seen as an instrument and manifestation of the spirit, however weak an instrument and distorted a manifestation. Consequently in all dealings which affect other persons, even in conflict with them, there will be an underlying respect for them as "vessels of the spirit", and an indefatigable disposition toward friendliness. The will for the spirit cannot be clear or at all sincere unless it expresses itself in treating people always as persons, never as things or cattle, or as vermin. And this will to treat people as persons must obviously extend far beyond the limits of personal contact. Under the spell of the spirit I will that *all* human beings shall be treated with full respect for their personality, and I will to do my best to secure that they shall in fact be so treated. This means that they shall be given adequate conditions of living, adequate sexual freedom, adequate food, adequate medical attention, adequate recreation, adequate education, no matter what the difficulty of organizing all this in the teeth of vested interests and snobbishness. To treat people with respect for their personality when one is in personal contact with them is not too difficult for us; but to insist that they shall be so treated universally is desperately difficult. To do so in our present social order involves heroic action, and most of us are not heroes.
The antithesis between exaggerated individualism and the exaggerated cult of society is itself to be solved only in the light of the spirit. Those who are at all clearly aware of the spirit will not fall into either of these errors. For the spirit is not simply " in " individuals, nor simply " in " society. The spirit manifests itself solely in personality-in-community. It inheres in the mutual cherishing and mutual enriching of self-aware and other-aware individuals. Realising this, we shall never make the mistakes typical either of nineteenth-century individualism or of twentieth-century totalitarianism. We shall always recognise that both individual and society are abstractions, and that neither can exist without the other. No doubt there might, theoretically, be a human individual completely isolated from society, but he would grow up an imbecile, not a person. Personality involves society ; and for its full expression it involves true community.

The salute survives the Blitz — once, at the book’s climax (“Beyond Man,” the final pages), and in a changed register. Facing a universe that in one of its aspects seems “utterly alien and hostile to the spirit,” Stapledon allows that even this horror may be spirit “on a plane beyond our comprehension,” and that “we may feel the presence of an overwhelming, terrible beauty, careless of us, yet compelling our adoration.” The prayer that follows is the fullest wartime statement of the salute anywhere in his nonfiction — “Use me, break me; but let my breaking be a part of your dread beauty… let the breaking of this human instrument somehow contribute to your music” — sheet 28, prayed under bombardment. But two changes of register are unmistakable. Where 1934 claims acquaintance (“I am aware of an unspeakable Beauty”), 1942 is systematically conditional — “we may feel” — and the personification is flagged as personification in the very act of uttering it. And the Mighty Other is never named as such: the dread thing is approached through the spirit, as the spirit’s incomprehensible upper register. The Blitz did not silence the salute; it made Stapledon hold it at arm’s length — the prayer quoted, as it were, rather than prayed. (The salute-verb itself surfaces only politically, offered to the humanist light: “I salute with heart-felt respect” the Russian passion for community.)

Beyond the “Isms” (1942) ↗ · ¶ 306 · ¶ 307 · ¶ 42 — quoted passages in context
Another aspect of our experience must be recorded. The spirit, so far as it is recognizable by us, is that which expresses itself in sensitive, intelligent awareness, love and creative action, in no matter what modes or ranks of being ; but the universe seems in one of its aspects utterly alien and hostile to the spirit. The frail instruments of the spirit are destroyed in millions by natural disasters, by earthquakes and eruptions, by floods and storms and plagues, and even more devastatingly through the consequences of their own baser nature, which leads them to indulge in economic exploitation and war. Many a world may well have been shattered by physical catastrophe or ruined by the folly of its inhabitants. Apart from these occasional apocalyptic disasters, there is the perennial mutual torture which the instruments of the spirit inflict on one another in the intimate sphere of personal relations, not only by their conflicts and hates but even by their very loves. And how often are the more awakened beings tortured or destroyed by the less awakened! Creatures on every evolutionary plane may be devoured by parasites less developed than themselves. There are microbes, gangsters, speculators, demagogues, dictators.
We react to all this horror in one or other of two ways. We may think of the spirit simply as the source of all sensitive and intelligent awareness, all love and creative action, and as a factor *within* an indifferent universe. In this case we give our allegiance wholly to the spirit as it is revealed to us, and the horror we regard as wholly alien to the spirit. Our passion is one of moral fervour for the way of the spirit, and for the triumph of the spirit in its struggle to awake. Whatever seems to prevent its victory is simply evil. But there is another possible mood. Knowing in our own lives that the more awakened often appears alien and hostile to the less awakened, knowing too that the actual self has often to die in order to make way for a better self-that-might-be, we may regard the whole tragic drama of the universe from this point of view. Then, contemplating all the frustration and horror, we may feel that in some obscure way even this must be a manifestation of spirit, but on a plane beyond our comprehension. This conviction we may come to entertain not merely as an intellectual theory ; we may *feel* the presence of an overwhelming, terrible beauty, careless of us, yet compelling our adoration. In fear and worship we abase ourselves before it. In this mood, though we accept in terror, we also welcome with strange joy. And then, inevitably personifying, we may say to the spirit thus conceived, " Use me, break me ; but let my breaking be a part of your dread beauty. Use and break this human species, this human world. Destroy it with fire or frost, or through the consequence of its own folly and half-heartedness, like the countless other lovely, tortured worlds that you have so gloriously conceived and coldly discarded. But let the breaking of this human instrument somehow contribute to your music."
Perhaps the best way of beginning to appreciate the change of heart that we need, is to contemplate the difference between the collapse of France under Nazi attack and the truly epoch-making resistance of Russia. The French collapsed because their leaders let them down, because they were not made to feel themselves to be instruments of a great cause. Contrast Russia. The world's greatest social experiment had been in progress for over twenty years. For the first time a society had been consciously planned and constructed with the deliberate aim of producing the greatest possible well-being for all its members, not merely for a privileged minority. No doubt the new order had many faults. Enemies of the régime were treated ruthlessly. Civil liberties were not secured. But the new Russia was on the whole a triumphant expression of a new and great idea. To-day, the Russian people are fighting a titanic battle against an efficient, well-equipped, and ruthless enemy. All the world is amazed at their resistance. All the world is beginning to realize that there must be something of supreme value and something immensely tough in the new Russian society. Otherwise such heroism could not be displayed in its defence. No doubt, the Russians are fighting for self-preservation; but so were the French. The difference is that the Russians are fighting for something which to them is sacred, something which hosts of them do actually value more than life itself. At a later stage of this book I shall have occasion to criticize the fundamental values of Communism ; but here at the outset I had better say that, whatever the faults of Communist doctrine, I salute with heart-felt respect the feeling, the quickened and disciplined feeling, the generous passion for true community, which inspired the Russian Revolution and now inspires the Russian resistance to attack. This is by far the most glorious and most hopeful thing in the modern world.

The P&L logical conflict is restated in substance and reframed in structure. Immediately after the prayer: “These two moods, though logically in conflict with one another, are the alternating moods of worship” — the moral protest for the spirit’s struggle against the mood which “accepts and welcomes the final defeat of all recognizable spirit” as somehow involved in the rightness of things. That is 1939’s “logical conflict… useless to pretend that there is not,” reaffirmed in wartime. But where 1934/1939 set two loyalties against two objects (man; the inhuman Other), here both moods are moods of worship of a single object, the spirit — and both are then disarmed doctrinally: “What the truth is about the part of the spirit in the universe, we cannot know,” and even the acceptance-mood’s consoling theory (evil as “all within the picture”) is forbidden as belief, exactly as P&L had called it “both unintelligible and dangerous.” Whether this monistic reframing is an advance or a wartime softening the text does not say — it never acknowledges that anything has changed — and the “Use me, break me” prayer shows the old Other still fully audible under the new vocabulary. The tension is kept as psychology; the metaphysical dualism that generated it is quietly dissolved into an agnosticism of “the spirit.”

Beyond the “Isms” (1942) ↗ · ¶ 308 · ¶ 309 — quoted passages in context
These two moods, though logically in conflict with one another, are the alternating moods of worship. The one is the mood of uncompromising moral protest for the spirit in its recognizable struggle to waken ; the other is the mood which accepts and welcomes the final defeat of all recognizable spirit as somehow involved in the rightness of things, involved in the perfection of the universal spirit itself. In some situations and for some persons the one intuition, but in other situations and for other persons the other, is the mainstay. Either, or both together, may be clung to as a " faith ". But if a " faith " is an explicit intellectual conviction about the universe, it is not permissable.
What the truth is about the part of the spirit in the universe, we cannot know. Out of loyalty to the spirit itself we must refrain from persuading ourselves that we do know. The two conflicting feelings which constitute worship of the spirit must be simply felt ; we must not build any explicit " faith " or belief upon them.

The headline, though, is lexical, and it antedates the mature position by four years. The book’s final movement asks the religious critics’ question in their own words — “sheer humanism, the devotion to the fullest possible development of man’s nature just because it is man’s, is not enough” — half-endorses it (worship can “free us from the limitations of complacent humanism”), and closes: “Even worship must be agnostic,” for “for very loyalty to the spirit itself we must see that our piety remains always agnostic piety.” “Agnostic piety” — the formula this analysis had treated as 1946 Conway Hall and 1949 Brighton platform vocabulary (§3.8, §3.10) — was published in 1942, in the closing movement of a sixpenny war pamphlet, and it arrives precisely by absorbing the dread cosmic Other into “the spirit.” The 1946 lecture’s title question, and its answer’s very idiom, were on the bookstalls before the war ended. One further definitional novelty points forward rather than back: worship is now defined two-sidedly — “to worship is to feel at once other than the object worshipped and yet essentially one with it” — an identity-clause foreign to 1934 (where the object was emphatically not ourselves) and the germ of the Spirit/Other identity-doubt of Death into Life and “The Core” (§3.9).

Beyond the “Isms” (1942) ↗ · ¶ 296 · ¶ 305 · ¶ 301 · ¶ 310 — quoted passages in context
Worship in the old days was devotion to a divine person, conceived as all-knowing, all-loving and all-creating, and a very present help in trouble. For modern man this devotion is no longer possible. Nor, if he is truly modern, does he desire it. But let us not too lightly dismiss the contention of the religious people that man needs " faith " to keep him straight and to call out the best in him. He needs to know, they say, that in behaving in the way of the spirit he is behaving in accordance with something superhuman, something universal. They insist that sheer humanism, the devotion to the fullest possible development of man's nature just because it is man's, is not enough. What truth is there in this claim that faith in some universal power for good is necessary for calling out the best in men ? The answer is that faith in the spirit is indeed necessary, or rather perception of the spirit ; but that beliefs about the constitution of the universe are not necessary, and may be harmful.
Contemplating one's own shortcomings and triumphs in the way of the spirit, and the triumphs of the most awakened human beings, one may imaginatively glimpse something of the unfulfilled possibilities of the spirit, in man and in other conceivable creatures. This exercise cannot give any precise truth about the spirit in its non-human and sometimes superhuman reaches, but it can free us from the limitations of complacent humanism, and fill us with a proper sense of the infinite and glorious potentiality of the spirit. Moreover, whatever the alien wealth and diverse splendour of the spirit in unknown worlds scattered among the galaxies, whatever manifestations of it lie wholly beyond the confines of the cosmos, we feel with certainty the spirit's underlying unity and identity. We ourselves, in our tortured but vital human world, are one with it, even in its remotest and most austere forms.
This mere feeling, this intuition, of the underlying identity of all instruments and manifestations of the spirit should be very sceptically regarded by the intellect ; but pragmatically it is valuable, for it can be a great source of strength and courage. And it is part of the activity which I call worship of the spirit. For to worship is to feel at once other than the object worshipped and yet essentially one with it ; to feel alien, inferior, speechless with adoration, and yet also to feel at heart identical with it. Worship begins with the actual sin-conscious self's feeling for the self-that-might-be ; but it goes on to the conception of an idealized and divine self-that-might-be, which the actual self cannot in fact ever be. And this ideal divine self is *felt* to be somehow actual in the universe. This feeling may, but need not, issue in belief. It should not be allowed to do so. Even worship must be agnostic.
Both these feelings may have a far-reaching and awakening effect on our lives, making us at once more resolute and more temperate. This is all to the good, so long as we can refrain from intellectual beliefs about the universe. We must not, for instance, believe that the spirit in the universe is a personal God, loving us as actual selves. Nor must we believe that spirit is somehow the essence and reality of all things, and that the seeming opposition to it is illusion, terrible to the finite mind, yet all " within the picture ". While emotionally we worship the spirit with one or other of the two religious feelings, or both at once, we must at the same time, for the spirit's own sake, remain intellectually agnostic. Indeed, for very loyalty to the spirit itself we must see that our piety remains always agnostic piety.

3.8 Is Humanism Enough? (Conway Hall, November 1946): the mature restatement

Twelve years later — after the war, after Philosophy and Living, after Ian Suttie and Julian Huxley had entered his reading — Stapledon returned to the same society, in the Conway Hall it had occupied since 1929, with the same question. It was his second appearance there that year: on 7 April 1946 he and Agnes had shared the same platform, she reading Shakespeare and Austen, he lecturing on “Personal Relations in the Family” (§1) — so the November lecture was a return to a hall he was actively working, not a pilgrimage back to a remembered one. And the same month carries a private counterpoint the biography preserves: on 5 November 1946 the editor Peter Albery rejected “The Peak and the Town” — “Albery found the allegory too obscure and asked for something else” — the double-life allegory turned away in the very weeks the double loyalty was being restated from the South Place platform (a conjunction of dates, we note, not a documented connection). The 1946 notes show both continuity and revealing development:

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1283 — quoted passage in context
What Olaf wrote for Albery, initially titled “The Journey” and in a later draft “The Peak and the Town,” was a Bunyanesque pilgrim’s progress that reprised his own intellectual and ethical struggles in the context of an allegorical history of his generation. The old oppositions between saints and revolutionaries, being and doing, the perspective of the slums of Toxteth and the view from Caldy Hill that had exercised him all his life were clothed in an account of life’s journey, sometimes pursued in solitude and sometimes within a vast crowd of fellow travelers, in which the call of the city, squalid and full of life, alternates with the lure of the peak, whose clear, cold prospect offers both vision and death. Nearing the end of his journey, torn by the dilemma of competing obligations, the traveler is offered a solution by an old watchmaker. “It is quite simple. You want to be in two places at once, living two lives at once. Duplicate yourself.” One can continue to work in the town while reserving a portion of the mind for scaling the peak. “There is no satisfactory life,” says the watchmaker, “but the double life.” The traveler adopts “this marvellous duplicity,” but the parable closes with him lost and weary in the foothills as darkness falls with the peak still distant. In the earlier typescript the narrator wonders, “Perhaps I shall never reach the high valley. Perhaps I shall die frozen and frustrated on the mountain, stifled and ineffective in the town.” But later Olaf excised the gloomier notes and added a more upbeat conclusion. “Well, what matter? Perhaps some others of our party, more fortunate or more clear-headed, will find their way to the heights, will at last bring the Peak to the town and the town to the Peak. For me, the only thing is to press on. The day is not yet done. And death even here would not be wholly defeat.”[56] Albery found the allegory too obscure and asked for something else.[57] In rejecting “The Peak and the Town,” he failed to appreciate either the intellectual stoicism or the emotional vulnerability of one of Stapledon’s most piercing self-revelations.
Primary source: the 1946 “Is Humanism Enough?” notes (sheets 1, 32, 33) — diplomatic transcription; every sheet links to its scan — sheets: 1 · 32 · 33
Sheet 1 scan ↗
IS HUMANISM ENOUGH ? X
48·62Conway Hall 11/46
F48·62
Introductory
X my friends — “Christian” & “Humanist”
all are people of good will
i e their hearts are sound—
but their heads?
their difference is symbolical
·of a world wide difference
need ·for a common platform
to unite all people of good will
X motives of θ two parties:
Humanists: interest in Man, & moral will
+ intellectual integrity, ∴ scepticism
Christians: interest in Man, & moral will
+ “emotional” integrity
i e to be true to deepest intuitions
reached through religious emotions
⊕ ///my claim:
Humanists ignore certain data, facts of experience,
which their theory cannot cope with
Procrustean bed of theory
Christians claim too much for religious experience,
as evidence about the universe — God etc
X dialectical movement of Western Civilisation
thesis — orthodox Christianity, doctrinal theism +
antithesis — humanism
scientific materialism + + # ///
synthesis — what we are groping for
definitions and policy
consider theism in general, not Christianity,
a universal being, personal or superpersonal
immanent in all things
XHumanism: doctrine that —
θ proper concern of men are is Man
Sheet 32 scan ↗
21
My view is Humanism Plus
× = Evolutionary Humanism with clear awareness —
that it is more than humanism
& with borrowings from theism
e g instrumentality
& “salvation”
better: my view is personalism
∵ not limited to Man
but objective personalism
∵ personality ð product of —
objective world + subjectivity
better still: × my view is personalistic communism
∵ personality implies community
presupposes it
+ ⊕ ╱╱╱╱My view is Theism Minus, but Plus also
minus — personal deity
personal individual immortality
(agnostic here)
accepts instrumentality
but, for ð spirit
accepts salvation
but not for ð individual self
rather for ð individual in instrumentality
to ð spirit
× plus — greater emotional depth than theism
theism's promise of individual survival —
blurs ð essential tragedy of —
ð unregenerate self
× My view avoids both emotional weaknesses
ð tragedy for ð individual unsaved is absolute
but is transfigured in his waking to ð spirit
Sheet 33 scan ↗
extra fine
⊕Humanists charge Christians with —
woolly & wishful thinking. True!
Christians charge Humanists with —
crude & obtuse feeling. True!
#Humanism is not the antithesis to Theism
LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY · STAP. · F11/49but a compromise
a failure to make θ synthesis

Reading the two together, 1934 is the bolder document — closer to the terror and splendour of Star Maker — while 1946 is the more constructive one, closer to the communitarian ethics of his late books. The 1934 lecture asks us to salute; the 1946 lecture asks us to synthesize.

The same year’s Youth and Tomorrow (1946) is the book-length companion to the Conway Hall lecture, and its chapter “Beyond Man” answers the title question in both directions at once. It states the late ground rule in one lapidary sentence — “In these days there can be no true religion that is not founded on a very thorough intellectual agnosticism” — and resolves the question conditionally: “If humanism rejects this kind of experience as simply a delusion, then humanism is indeed not enough”; if humanism can accept it, humanism is “the attitude needed for the proper conduct of mankind’s coming revolution.” And about the acceptance-side experience itself the book is disarmingly frank: “On this subject I shall speak with great hesitation, because I cannot get my own mind clear about it.” He had been saying so from platforms since 1934; here he says it in print, in a book for the young. The two-loyalties problem was never, by his own late account, solved — only practised.

Youth and Tomorrow (1946) ↗ · ¶ 160 · ¶ 166 · ¶ 163 — quoted passages in context
Man Must Look Beyond Himself. After this interlude on the sceptical view of morality, I can return to the religious believers. I have denied their claim that morality is meaningless unless it is based on the belief in God and immortality. But they make another charge against the purely humanistic view; and in this case I believe they are up to a point right. They claim that human nature demands for its full development the subordination of mankind to something superhuman. Where they go wrong, I suggest, is in holding that the something superhuman must be a personal God. It seems to me quite obvious that the human mind is at present incapable of formulating any reliable propositions about the fundamental nature of the universe, and that the idea of a personal or “super-personal” God is hopelessly confused, if not meaningless. The statement that there is a personal God and the statement that there is not, the statement that human individuals have eternal life and the statement that they have not, are probably in the last analysis all equally beside the mark. It is vital for mental and spiritual growth that we should realise not merely the depth of our ignorance, but the utter inadequacy of the very texture of our thinking in relation to these supramundane problems. In these days there can be no true religion that is not founded on a very thorough intellectual agnosticism. But once we have purged our minds of all the old beliefs, then at last we may discover true religion in our own daily experience of concrete living. We can discover the supreme beauty and rightness of the way of life which consists of striving for fuller expression of personality-in-community, in ourselves and others. We can come to feel that, in some sense utterly beyond our comprehension, this is what we are for. We can feel that the true goal, both for individual and society, is not just humanity as it actually is,
horror and cruel tragedy of existence floods in crushingly upon my ordinary little self; but at the same time something in me wakes, and accepts, not merely with resignation, but with trembling joy. Not that in this state I incline to throw up the sponge and acquiesce in evils that I had a chance of preventing. Strangely, I feel more, not less, morally hound to strive for the good ends. But when the issue is settled, and the facts unalterable, then I find myself accepting. I do not pretend to be able to give a satisfactory interpretation of this experience, or even a satisfactory description of it. But that it should be explained away in terms of “repressed infantile cravings” or “glandular secretions” or what not, is a notion which has latterly come to seem to me almost laughably fantastic. The experience is so obviously my highest reach of mental and spiritual awareness. And it has so obviously a steadying and a vitalising influence throughout my life. If humanism rejects this kind of experience as simply a delusion, then humanism is indeed not enough. If it insists on taking the current mental climate as final, and on explaining away everything in our experience which is not congenial to that climate, then humanism is a poor parochial ephemeral thing. If it takes as its final goal simply the fulfilling of the extant needs of extant mankind, and can allow no ultimate piety, no inarticulate worship of the unknowable but obscurely felt superhuman, then away with humanism! But if humanism can accept all this, and is only humanistic in the sense that it sees man’s supreme religious duty not in other-worldliness, but in striving to make the most of man here and now as a vessel of the spirit, then humanism is indeed the attitude needed for the proper conduct of mankind’s coming revolution. Man Among the Stars
concerned, upon its infinitely higher plane, with sensitivity, intelligence, love, community and creative action. For on the evidence of our own experience we see unmistakably that consciousness, developed ‘ beyond a certain very lowly level, cannot but will personality-in-community. — We can be assured then that, even if the success or failure of worlds up and down the cosmos is irrelevant to the purpose of the universal spirit, yet that purpose cannot be fundamentally alien to our own most lucid purposes. But all these speculations are probably quite beside the mark, since they are based on the assumption that there is a purposeful “universal spirit,” and it is unlikely that, if there is, its nature is limited by personality and purposefulness. Its nature is probably such that none of the concepts derived from personality can be truly applied to it. About all these high matters we must remain uncompromisingly agnostic. And we can well afford to do so; for in our own experience we have the certainty that, so far as we live in the way of sensitivity love and creative action, we fulfil and justify our existence. I have agreed with the believers in recognising that human nature demands for its full expression subordination to something superhuman. I have argued that subordination to something superhuman is felt as the obligation to strive for a superhuman development of human nature, and that this obligation applies to all self-conscious and other conscious beings throughout the cosmos. But there is also another way in which man should, I believe, subordinate himself to something superhuman. On this subject I shall speak with great hesitation, because I cannot get my own mind clear about it; but to keep silent would be to leave out something of great importance to the healthy issue of our hoped-for revolution in human affairs. — Though in one of its moods religious feeling is uncompromisingly moral, demanding absolute loyalty to the moral ideal, in

3.9 The salute institutionalized, doubted, fictionalized and restored: the rest of the shelf (1935–1950)

A pass through the rest of the held corpus — the remaining novels, the short fiction, and the other surviving lecture notes; not yet everything he published, since Saints and Revolutionaries (1939), New Hope for Britain (1939) and Seven Pillars of Peace (1944) remain unheld (REPORT, section 8) — shows the lecture’s position recurring across that shelf for the rest of his life. The claim should be tiered honestly. What the documents demonstrate is recurrence: the salute, the double loyalty, and the no-doctrine discipline reappear, verbatim or nearly, in every major post-1934 book we hold. Dependence on the lecture itself is demonstrable only where the texts touch it directly — Waking World’s shared chapter (§3.5), Philosophy and Living’s formulas (§3.7), the 1946 return to the same society and question (§3.8). Elsewhere the relation is better read as a shared armature: the lecture is the earliest full platform statement of a position the later books keep rebuilding, not a source every book can be shown to have consulted — and for the unheld titles we can claim nothing at all. But the continuity is not simple confirmation, and this section should not read as a harvest of echoes. The later corpus does three things at once: it institutionalizes the position (a Pelican curriculum, a sixpenny wartime statement (§3.7b), a book for the young, formulas like “agnostic piety” — in print by 1942 — and “Humanism Plus”); it doubts it in his own discursive voice (the “logical conflict… useless to pretend that there is not,” §3.7; “I cannot get my own mind clear about it,” §3.8); and, in the last private documents, it repeatedly fictionalizes and restores its object. The late record in fact holds three distinct positions, which should be kept apart rather than run together into a “fictionalized endpoint”: an object saluted while its very existence is left unknown (Brighton 1949’s “whether thou art… or not,” §3.10); a salute riding, for the floor of one dark night, on an acknowledged practical fiction (The Opening of the Eyes, meditations 16–17); and that book’s actual arc, which restores second-person address and ends in commanded action (§3.10). What stays fixed is the practice — the salute, the double loyalty. The doctrine around the practice is progressively evacuated, and repeatedly re-addressed. With that frame in place, the ordeals: every major post-1934 book we hold runs the lecture’s position through a different one —

3.10 Last words: Brighton 1949 and The Opening of the Eyes (1954)

The last known platform statement of the salute sits in the archive beside the Humanism notes, in a lecture file we read only late in this project: “Personality and the Paranormal” (Progressive League, Brighton, February 1949). Its first sheet states the whole religion in two lines, each with its margin label: an attitude to “something worth while (spirit)” — margin: moral championship — and an attitude to “θ Whole, or superhuman” — margin: “agnostic piety.” A later sheet returns, at last, to the question the 1934 margin had posed and answered with a cancelled-then-restored “To worship” (“Instrumental to — what?”): now the answer runs “instrumentality — for what? God? Whole? for spirit itself” — and the same keyed block closes on a hedge: after the intervening claim that “ultimately — subjectivity fulfils objectivity” through awareness, espousal and creative action, comes “but this may be sheer myth / symbolically true.” The hedge’s nearest grammatical antecedent is the claim it follows, and whether it also disowns “for spirit itself” the sheet does not decide; what is certain is structural — answer and reservation travel as one keyed insertion, the bracket’s position established in the Brighton dossier. Even the late resolution keeps the 1934 discipline: assert, then reserve. Another sheet derives “the supreme religious experience” from “a salutory tension” (he first wrote “salutory emotional tension,” then struck the narrowing word) between “the extreme worthwhileness of personality” and the “sense of persons as ephemeral” — the two lights, as a psychology. And the notes end with the salute written out as a prayer, Job’s cry expanded to cosmic scale with the agnosticism doubled (the phrases “knowing not —,” “whether thou art,” and “or not” are diagonal margin insertions, woven here in reading order; if the diagonal stratum is later than the main lines — such marginalia in this archive are characteristically afterthoughts, though nothing dates these — the genealogy’s final step was taken in revision, in the margin of the lecture file itself: the dossier weighs the inference):

“Thy will be done.” “Though thou slay me, yet will I love thee.” Though thou slay mankind, — though thou slay thy cosmos, — knowing not — yet will I love thee, — whether thou art, knowing not what thou art, — or not, but feeling thee, in me, in others, in θ cosmos.

Fourteen years after telling the South Place audience “I salute though it destroy me,” he was still saying it — now to a universe he would not even affirm to exist. (The same notes contain his last word on the survival question the spiritualists pressed on him: “the desire for survival is at bottom irreligious… must be outgrown (even if survival is true)” — and the wry warning that proof of an afterlife would be spiritually dangerous, “bad otherworldliness… belief in survival makes true salvation harder.”) The biography fills in the occasion and adds a second witness to the platform position. The symposium was the Progressive League’s, “culminating in a national symposium at Brighton in February 1949—the first large-scale conference on the topic in England in twenty-five years,” and Stapledon’s role was the closer’s: “Olaf was asked to be commentator, making the final summation of the conflicting views that had been advanced by the leading British researchers.” And a contemporary published report (Plan, April 1949, cited by Crossley) preserves the summation’s core in indirect speech that matches the notes exactly: “We should not derive our values from the ideas of survival or of a divine personality. The values of love, wisdom, and creative action did not depend on anything except ordinary experience.” The sheet’s doctrine — values independent of metaphysics, survival spiritually beside the point — thus has an independent contemporary corroboration from the same evening.

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1341 · ¶ 1348 — quoted passages in context
Psychic power was a Stapledonian issue of long standing, going back to his 1908 Oxford paper on Joan of Arc's voices, but his heightened and studious interest in the subject after the war was not peculiar to him. Investigators of the paranormal (and a variety of quack hypnotists and mediums) seemed at large everywhere. The Progressive League, with which Olaf had continued an intermittent association since the mid-1930s, made inquiry into the paranormal one of its principal occupations after the war, culminating in a national symposium at Brighton in February 1949—the first large-scale conference on the topic in England in twenty-five years. Through the League and London's venerable Society for Psychical Research, founded in 1882, Olaf met G. N. M. Tyrrell, H. H. Price, and other scholarly researchers on telepathy, precognition, and psychokinesis, as well as more dubious figures like Lawrence Hyde and Graham Howe. The lure of parapsychology drew in incautious and sometimes unstable devotees, and psychical experimentation became so fashionable a topic that Heinz Westmann's *Present Question* group chose it as the focus for its second conference, at Birmingham in the summer of 1947. Although papers by Herbert Read and G. Wilson Knight gave the PQ sessions a respectable sheen, Olaf was put off by a "high proportion of cranks—astrologers, numerologists, and so on." The general run of speeches, "beating the air, scrabbling after something sure to hold on to," disappointed him. His agnostic-skeptic side found the effort to get "the lowdown on the Whole" to be "both impious and comic."[34]
When the big Brighton Conference on Psychical Research was held in 1949, Olaf was asked to be commentator, making the final summation of the conflicting views that had been advanced by the leading British researchers. He did not commit himself on the substantive theories of any of the speakers. Instead, he reminded the audience that no matter what emerged from study in this field, certain “perennial principles” of human behavior would not be altered. And the issue of life beyond death, which had most intrigued the conference, was to be approached with special caution. Whether consciousness survived destruction of the body—and the evidence seemed to him less strong than some claimed—made no fundamental ethical difference. The big metaphysical questions would always fascinate, but they might bear little on how people conducted their daily lives. “We should not derive our values from the ideas of survival or of a divine personality. The values of love, wisdom, and creative action did not depend on anything except ordinary experience.”[39] The medium and the telepath would never render the philosophical temper obsolete.

Beside that last word on survival, the same sheet’s margin supplies the tradition he took himself to be in — a rare literary citation in these late notes: ∴ this world is — “ð Vale of Soul-Making” (Keats). The phrase is from Keats’s journal-letter of spring 1819 (the section of 21 April, now held), and the actual passage fits the Brighton argument more closely than a borrowed tag usually does. Keats coins it against exactly the doctrine Stapledon’s margin is calling “bad otherworldliness”: the world’s “common cognomen… among the misguided and superstitious” is a “vale of tears” — “from which we are to be redeemed by a certain arbitary interposition of God and taken to Heaven — What a little circumscribe[d] straightened notion!” (spelling the edition’s throughout). The counter-name follows in the same breath — “Call the world if you Please” the “vale of Soul-making” — “Then you will find out the use of the world” — and Keats rates his alternative, in terms Stapledon could have read from the platform, “a grander system of salvation” than the Christian religion: “or rather it is a system of Spirit-creation.” The system itself is worldly discipline: intelligences become souls only through “a World of Pains and troubles” — “Do you not see how necessary a World of Pains and troubles is to school an Intelligence and make it a soul? A Place where the heart must feel and suffer in a thousand diverse ways!” — which is the Brighton sheet’s own derivation of “the supreme religious experience” from a “salutory tension,” in Romantic dress. Even the hedges rhyme: Keats grants the soul’s immortality only hypothetically, “admitting it to be immortal which I will here take for granted for the purpose of showing a thought,” and Stapledon’s bracket — “(even if survival is true)” — holds the same door open without walking through it. The margin cites a genuine ancestor, then: salvation re-imagined as soul-making rather than rescue, argued against the vale of tears. The difference is the one the whole lecture-shelf predicts — Keats’s school still has God for schoolmaster (“thus does God make individual beings, Souls… of the sparks of his own essence”), where the Brighton sheet leaves the office unfilled: “instrumentality — for what? God? Whole? for spirit itself… but this may be sheer myth.”

Keats, soul-making letter (1819) ↗ · ¶ 3 — quoted passage in context
[…] world will not admit of it – the inhabitants of the world will correspond to itself – Let the fish philosophise the ice away from the Rivers in winter time and they shall be at continual play in the tepid delight of summer. Look at the Poles and at the sands of Africa, Whirlpools and volcanoes – Let men exterminate them and I will say that they may arrive at earthly Happiness –The point at which Man may arrive is as far as the paralel state in inanimate nature and no further – For instance suppose a rose to have sensation, it blooms on a beautiful morning it enjoys itself – but there comes a cold wind, a hot sun – it can not escape it, it cannot destroy its annoyances – they are as native to the world as itself: no more can man be happy in spite, the world[l]y elements will prey upon his nature – The common cognomen of this world among the misguided and superstitious is ‘a vale of tears’5 from which we are to be redeemed by a certain arbitary interposition of God and taken to Heaven – What a little circumscribe[d] straightened notion! Call the world if you Please ‘”The vale of Soul-making” Then you will find out the use of the world (I am speaking now in the highest terms for human nature admitting it to be immortal which I will here take for granted for the purpose of showing a thought which has struck me concerning it) I say ‘Soul making’ Soul as distinguished from an Intelligence6 – There may be intelligences or sparks of the divinity in millions – but they are not Souls <the> till they acquire identities, till each one is personally itself. I[n]telligences are atoms of perception – they know and they see and they are pure, in short they are God – how then are Souls to be made? How then are these sparks which are God to have identity given them – so as ever to possess a bliss peculiar to each ones individual existence?7 How, but by the medium of a world like this? This point I sincerely wish to consider because I think it a grander system of salvation than the chryst<e>ain religion – or rather it is a system of Spirit-creation – This is effected by three grand materials acting the one upon the other for a series of years. – These three8 Materials are the Intelligence – the human heart (as distinguished from intelligence or Mind) and the World or Elemental space suited for the proper action of Mind and Heart on each other for the purpose of forming the Soul or Intelligence destined to possess the sense of Identity. I can scarcely express what I but dimly perceive – and yet I think I perceive it – that you may judge the more clearly I will put it in the most homely form possible – I will call the world a School instituted for the purpose of teaching little children to read – I will call the human heart the horn Book used in that School – and I will call the Child able to read, the Soul made from that school and its hornbook. Do you not see how necessary a World of Pains and troubles is to school an Intelligence and make it a soul? A Place where the heart must feel and suffer in a thousand diverse ways! Not merely is the Heart a Hornbook, It is the Minds Bible, it is the Minds experience, it is the teat from which the Mind or intelligence sucks its identity – As various as the Lives of Men are – so various become their souls, and thus does God make individual beings, Souls, Identical Souls of the sparks of his own essence – This appears to me a faint sketch of a system of Salvation which does not affront our reason and humanity – I am convinced that many difficulties which Christians labour under would vanish before it – There is one wh[i]ch even now Strikes me – the Salvation of Children – In them the Spark or intelligence returns to God without any identity – it having had no time to learn of, and be altered by, the heart – or seat of the human Passions – It is pretty generally suspected that the chr[i]stian scheme has been coppied from the ancient persian and greek Philosophers. Why may they not have made this simple thing even more simple for common apprehension by introducing Mediators and Personages in the same manner as in the hethen mythology abstractions are personified – Seriously I think it probable that this System of Soul-making – may have been […]
Primary source: the Brighton 1949 “Personality and the Paranormal” notes (sheets 1, 21, 22, 24) — diplomatic transcription; every sheet links to its scan — sheets: 1 · 21 · 22 · 24
Sheet 1 scan ↗
52.5PERSONALITY + the PARANORMALF52.5
Progressive League
Brighton, Feb 1949
Introductory:
Key note: opening up a new world view
but — be true to old-new principles & values
[52,5]which come clear only today —
in clash of science & religion
we are discovering that — ⊕
religion is not a matter of belief
”   ”   ”   ”   theory
but of feeling, attitude
to ð actual; here & now
attitude to :
moral championship1. something worth while
(spirit)
agnostic piety2. ð Whole, or superhuman
1. what ð past gave us —
religious experience, but confused with theory
2. what ð modern age has given us —
ð scientific spirit, intellectual integrity,
modern logic
realization of limitations of thought & language.
∴ agnosticism, natural piety, cosmical piety
aim of this talk:
to assess θ interim findings of paranormal psychology
in relation to — other modern experience
especially religion
i.e. what difference does ð paranormal make?—
1. to our practical prospects
here & hereafter
2. to our understanding
of self & cosmos
3. to religion, at its best
ð plain man looks at psychical research
wide mouthed amazement
but tongue in cheek.
Sheet 21 scan ↗
SIMON'S FIELD
CALDY
WEST KIRBY
WIRRAL∴ this world is —
Hoylake 1134"ð Vale of Soul-Making" (Keats)
∴ Bad otherworldliness
c.p. cash agriculture
α  religion and survival:
two conflicting religious feelings about survival
interest in:1. without survival, all is meaningless, worthless
1. subjectð religious experience gives evidence )
2. object2. survival is irrelevant; so is immortality
what matters is —
ð quality of individual life, here or hereafter
if we survive — well ; if not — well !
instrumentsi e we are vessels, not ends
ð desire for survival is at bottom irreligious
even in its most refined form
must be outgrown
(even if survival is true)
X  a salutory emotional tension, between:
1. sense of ð extreme worthwhileness of personality
& of personal relationships
2. sense of persons as ephemeral,
as not fully real
out of this tension — ð supreme religious experience
ε
spirit's cosmical status — unknown
unknowable?
instrumentality—for what? God? Whole?
for spirit itself
X  ultimately — subjectivity fulfils objectivity
by awareness & espousing & —
creative action
but this may be sheer myth
symbolically true
Sheet 22 scan ↗
12
4. creative art: making concrete symbols — │
having — sensory unity-in-diversity │
+ significance, on all levels │
primitive │
"civilized" │
"religions" │
distinguish — 1. purgation, release of pentup force │
by symbolical fulfilment │
2. creative innovation │
midwifery to new experience │
— on highest levels │
α │
5. religions experience: two aspects — conflicting │
yet mutually supporting │
1. apprehension of "spirit" │
as Tao, ð Way, ideal form of behaviour │
self-fulfilment by self-abnegation │
i e fulfilling what I am really "for" — │
by identifying myself with "God" │
(an ideal universal self) │
& ∴ by abandoning "self" — │
as finite individuality │
cp. doctrine of salvation: sin + vision │
instrumentality │
espousing ð supreme objects │
spirit = ð way of love + wisdom + creativity │
awareness: world, self, others │
feeling: │
action: coherent, creative ε││
"ð Others"2. attitude to ð inconceivable reality │
" ð superhuman, superpersonal? │
" ð Whole? │
"Thy will be done." │
"Though thou slay me, yet will I love thee." │
Though thou slay mankind, —
though thou slay thy cosmos, —
Knowing not —yet will I love thee, —
whether thou art,knowing not what thou art, —
or not.but feeling thee, in me
in others
in ð cosmos
Sheet 24 scan ↗
13
Significance of the Paranormal
(practical significance already noted)
scientific and philosophical significance: ⊕
simple materialism untenable ///
mind no epiphenomenon
understanding of time & space
there is more to them than appears
× they are real, but not fully revealed
understanding of personality
unsuspected links between persons
„  supra-temporality
possibility of survival
religions significance:
even if survival is proved—
no new values yet emerge
& “other side” offers no new vision
spirit remains ð goal
engagement in this world for spirit
to build Jerusalem, here & now
and note a danger:
bad otherworldliness
new sphere for self-concern
disbelief in survival was salutory
∵ clarifying to morality
&    „    „  true religion
belief in survival—
makes true salvation harder

Where the argument finally came to rest is recorded in the book Stapledon was writing when he died in 1950, published posthumously as The Opening of the Eyes (1954). Earlier editions of this analysis read it through excerpts — Moskowitz’s quotations, plus one complete meditation via the Crossley Reader. The full 1954 text is now held (the owner’s scan, August 2026; ed. Agnes Z. Stapledon, Methuen), and the whole book changes the shape of the story this section used to tell, in one important respect set out below. First, what the excerpts showed is confirmed at its rawest. Meditation 32, “The Heavens declare — Nothing”, his last answer to Psalm 19, written from Caldy Hill — the hill of the 1913 star-letters and of Star Maker’s opening page: “On this moonless and star-brilliant night, I have come out on to the hill yearning to find you, if not in my heart, then in the heavens… The heavens declare nothing. The human lights of the town beneath me tell me nothing.” He then rehearses both modern cosmologies (big-bang finitude, continuous creation), concedes that they “are but a very little nearer to the truth than the East’s elephant and tortoise,” and keeps them anyway: “Yes, but for us today they have authority. Some such explosion of ever-receding galaxies… is now the background of all human life.” Thirty-six years after Latter-Day Psalms, the psalmist’s heavens have fallen silent — and the discipline of living under them without doctrine is intact. The dual awareness is still there, stripped of every consolation: “Is this perhaps hell’s most exquisite refinement, that one should be haunted by the ever-present ghost of a disbelieved-in God?” (the 1954 page reads “disbelieved-in God”; Moskowitz, quoting, drops the “in”). And the salute is still there, offered in full knowledge that it may salute nothing: “Without the fiction of your existence I am no more than a reflex animal, and the world is dust”; “Either I ride forward on the fiction of your existence, and attempt a deed more formidable” — or discard the illusion and slink back into the lair “of safety, but of desolation”… “Yet I choose to go forward.” In 1934 he claimed acquaintance: “I am aware of an unspeakable Beauty.” Here the object’s very existence is bracketed, and the salute rides on an acknowledged fiction.

The Opening of the Eyes (1954) ↗ · ¶ 372 · ¶ 380 · ¶ 381 · ¶ 191 · ¶ 196 · ¶ 200 · ¶ 203 — quoted passages in context
On this moonless and star-brilliant night, I have come out on to the hill yearning to find you, if not in my heart, then in the heavens. But in my heart and mind you are silent, and the constellations are not your features. The heavens declare nothing. The human lights of the town beneath me tell me nothing. Beyond the houses the sea is nothing but a flat darkness.
Yet well it may be, it must be, that both the new pictures of the cosmos, these latest, proudest feats of terrestrial observation and intelligence, are but a very little nearer to the truth than the East's elephant and tortoise.
Yes, but for us today they have authority. Some such explosion of ever-receding galaxies, each with its scattered population of earths, is now the background of all human life.
Is this perhaps hell's most exquisite refinement, that one should be haunted by the ever-present ghost of a disbelieved-in God?
Later, no doubt, I shall regret my choice. I shall ridicule myself for my folly and rashness. For I acted without adequate knowledge of the facts, knowing only that to have refrained from acting would have been too easy, and might perhaps in the end turn out to be a grave betrayal. So I chose action. Addressing you in my mind, I said, 'Illusion though you are, I prefer to act in the pretence of your reality, rather than from stark nothingness. Without the fiction of your existence I am no more than a reflex animal, and the world is dust.'
My little choice has already driven me to the necessity of once more choosing. Either I ride forward on the fiction of your existence, and attempt a deed more formidable, with consequences more far-reaching and more painful; or I choose freedom, discard my illusion of you, and slink back into my lair of safety, but of desolation.
Yet I choose to go forward.

But the full text corrects this section’s old structure: the fiction passages are not where the argument came to rest. The book is a sequence of fifty-four interlaced meditations addressed to a doubted “you,” and its method is an engineered oscillation — vision granted, tested, lost, restored, twice over, each cycle harsher. The doubt is present from the second meditation (“Saluting you, do I betray you? And is this my hell?”); the fictionalist crisis quoted above is meditations 16–17 — the floor of the first dark night, not quite a third of the way in — and the meditation that immediately follows is titled “Vision is Restored”: “may I at least never again forget that the murk is of my own making, and that indeed, indeed I have seen you, that you are real.” The fiction posture recurs, but each recurrence tilts toward the phantom’s reality (“Ineffable fiction, you have become more real to me even than my humanity”; “Most real phantom! I dare not, I cannot, I will not, ever again turn from you”). Meditation 32’s silent heavens sit at the book’s hinge — between the failed Christian consolation (24–31) and the failed humanist and Marxist consolations (33–39) — a silence between two rejected comforts, spoken while the addressed voice is withdrawn, not a freestanding last word; its immediate sequel still prays to the “adorable figment of all waking hearts.” The late identity-doubt of §3.9 is here too, structurally twice: the voice self-describing as “at once the passionate and holy Spirit, struggling against great odds for fulfilment within the universe; and yet also the ultimate and absolute Mystery,” and — the dread pole speaking in the first person — “If I am God at all I am also Satan… Whatever is terrible and whatever loathsome, that is I,” with the creature’s response the salute at its most abject: such minds, “Knowing that I shall destroy them, they must cringingly adore,” and the narrator “cannot but irrationally adore.” The salute itself runs through the book by name — a meditation titled “Salutation of the Dark-Bright”; “Those who have glimpsed you cannot but salute you, and strive to manifest you”; the double loyalty intact as “Yet, serving faithfully, I must still salute the vision” — and the book rules against abandoning man for the Other: the world-desertion meditations (46–47) end with the voice condemning withdrawal as spiritual lust. And the ending, with the whole book in view, is not resignation but commanded action: the last “fiction” indicted in the book is materialism, not deity (“You have no longer any excuse to cling to the fiction that you are nothing but a mechanism”); the voice urges that “With a sincere act of will you can, within limits, wrest the automaton from its course”; the narrator answers “since you affirm in my heart that I can do it, then surely I can. I must. I will.”; and the final meditation holds freedom and necessity as complementary half-truths down to the book’s last sentence — “It shall be so, if you grant me strength and skill to walk that knife edge.” Agnostic piety, kept to the deathbed, then — but as practice, not as collapse: worship without one particle of doctrine, the illumination itself corrected mid-book by the voice’s own discipline (“Through the quickening touch of my presence you found not union but worship” — worship, the 1934 word, preferred over mystical union). The practice held; the phenomenology oscillated beneath it by design. Two cautions temper the correction. The book was unfinished at his death, and nothing proves meditation 54 was designed as the end rather than where death stopped him. And the fictionalist reading is not wrong about the book’s method — every assertion, including the final one, is hedged, and the ending’s confidence is conditional (“if you grant me…”). What the full text removes is only, but importantly, the old implication that the fiction was the terminus.

The Opening of the Eyes (1954) ↗ · ¶ 44 · ¶ 216 · ¶ 411 · ¶ 500 · ¶ 396 · ¶ 146 · ¶ 523 · ¶ 527 · ¶ 528 · ¶ 225 · ¶ 94 · ¶ 672 · ¶ 673 · ¶ 686 · ¶ 565 — quoted passages in context
Must it be, then, that I am indeed lying to myself? Do I, in my very passion for you, sin against you? Saluting you, do I betray you? And is this my hell?
But if through frailty I still hold back, so that once more darkness brews within me, may I at least never again forget that the murk is of my own making, and that indeed, indeed I have seen you, that you are real.
But alas, even as I say this, I hear seemingly your laughter. Ineffable fiction, you have become more real to me even than my humanity.
Most real phantom! I dare not, I cannot, I will not, ever again turn from you.
Is it not so? Describing it so, am I not true to you, phantom deity, adorable figment of all waking hearts?
To this deserved rebuke there was no answer. For a while we were silent. Then I ventured, 'God speaks again in me. He says, "My fool prophet has misconstrued my prompting. He was concerned with his own need, not with yours. I am all things to all souls according to their need. To those who have not greatly suffered I am the stern discarder of unfit instruments; but to those who have passed through fire I am the crucified Christ who knows what suffering is and finds comfort for each sufferer. Though I am indeed the just God and the God of wrath, I am also the loving father and the tender mother. I am the young Love God also, seeking and saving and delighting in his darling; and I am the divinely fair and gentle Goddess whom all men seek. Yes, and I am at once the passionate and holy Spirit, struggling against great odds for fulfilment within the universe; and yet also the ultimate and absolute Mystery, untouched by the Spirit's triumph and failure."'
Your voice of scorn shatters my consoling faith in your ultimate gentleness. Can it indeed be you that are crying out in my heart, ‘Fool and coward! Once more you project man’s need for love upon the heavens, lightly conceiving that I, within you and beyond the galaxies, am universal love. Fool! If I am the God of Love, I am equally the God of Wrath. If I am God at all I am also Satan. Consider that Beelzebub, Ahriman, Juggernaut, Moloch and all fiendly gods are pale symbols of the Horror that is I. Whatever is terrible and whatever loathsome, that is I. If I am the frail and elegant flower of gentleness, I am equally, nay more truly, the tough root that revels in ordure. If I am the benign sunny weather, I am equally the hurricane, the thunder, the white fury of the lightning. I am the typhoon that flings great ships upon the inland rocks. I am the earthquake that crumbles whole cities, and the eruption of nether fire that overwhelms them. I am the deadly cold of the Arctic and of the abysses between the galaxies. I am the ice-cold heart of the cosmos.
I hear it again. 'My dearest triumph of all,' it is saying, 'is to wring from my creatures not only fear and loathing but also heart-felt abject worship. As the rabbit awaits the stoat, so they must accept me. Knowing that I shall destroy them, they must cringingly adore.'
True! It is hideously true. I myself, though hopeless of mercy or reward, I myself who loathe the horror that is acceptable to you, and loathe you for accepting it, cannot but irrationally adore.
But this we do know, and it is enough. Wherever, in all the worlds throughout every galaxy, creatures have awakened to be at least humanly self-aware and aware of each other, there you are the mind's star, the heart's heart. Those who have glimpsed you cannot but salute you, and strive to manifest you.
You perplex me beyond the limit of my intelligence. All that is certain is that I must take their suffering into my heart without reserve, and make compassion issue in selfless service. Yet, serving faithfully, I must still salute the vision.
[…] minnowhood. You yourself have said it. Then what real choice have I? Earnestly desiring to be wholly obedient to your dictates in my heart, I am yet continually and irresistibly controlled by lusts and fears. I am little more than an automaton. You have given me a vision of the Way, but at every turn my minnowhood distracts me from it. Coldly your voice breaks in upon me. 'As minnow, you are indeed limited to your automatic minnow nature; but in your own heart you know that you can a little control your minnow nature. Do not be so easily hypnotized by the clever but shallow sciences of your world. They are products of the pond alone, true of pond-nature only. But the pond is not all. And you yourself can never again believe that it is all. Influences not discoverable by the intelligence limited wholly to that lowly sphere are none the less at work in it. You have no longer any excuse to cling to the fiction that you are nothing but a mechanism. You are indeed that, so long as you wilfully ignore the element in you which is of another sphere. With a sincere act of will you can, within limits, wrest the automaton from its course. Indeed, with an earnest enough act of will, and the needful understanding, you could rise to the highest sphere of all; but after a life-time and an ancestry of gross pond-habits, it is extremely unlikely that you will make so great an effort. Nothing prevents you but ignorance and laziness; but, then, how ignorant and lazy you have allowed yourself to become! What is demanded of you, however, is not that you should leap to the very apex of spiritual being, nor even that you should suddenly become a saint. What is demanded of you is only that, without any extravagant or seemingly miraculous act of waking and self-re-creating, you should make the little effort that would hold you constantly upon your lowly and preliminary stage of the Way, instead of constantly erring and bemoaning.'
Daimon, since you affirm in my heart that I can do it, then surely I can. I must. I will.
It shall be so, if you grant me strength and skill to walk that knife edge.
You are demanding of me, 'Can you in all sincerity declare that you did indeed escape from your individual self-hood into a loftier sphere? If it were so in fact, you would be henceforth another being. You would be fearless, wholly generous, wise beyond all human wisdom; and your peace would be unshakable. But it is not so. You will soon find that you are the same timorous, the self-concerned, the ignorant and easily subverted creature that you were. All that is changed is that with your new and clearer vision you will henceforth try perhaps a little harder to behave decently. No! You were not transported into glory, you were not transformed. Simply, through the impact of new vision you escaped for a while from your self-concern and fear, and rose to a more generous interest and a purer will. Through the quickening touch of my presence you found not union but worship.'

Two details of the book’s afterlife belong to this project’s story. First: the manuscript was edited for publication by Agnes Stapledon — per Moskowitz, from working notes “with their many difficult-to-decipher abbreviations.” The biography adjusts the picture without overturning it: Stapledon had begun finalizing the book himself — “in the first week of September he began making a fair copy of the entire manuscript—his usual procedure before sending a new book to his typist” — though he “had not found a conclusion”; he died on 6 September, so how far the fair copy had advanced no source says. Beyond that, the documented pieces are these, and they should be kept separate: Crossley attests a notebook stage in passing (“In one of the notebooks for The Opening of the Eyes”) and calls the published book incomplete (“The lack of a satisfactory resolution to this incomplete book may have been inevitable no matter how long the author lived”); the 1954 edition itself records her role on its title page (“edited by Agnes Z. Stapledon”) and, in the Acknowledgement quoted below, the deciphering she shared with the typist; and Crossley records the naming: the book was “titled by Agnes after his death The Opening of the Eyes.” (An earlier printing of this paragraph ran those attestations together into a single definite scene — a half-fair-copied pile of working papers from which she assembled the text — which is more definite than any one source states; see ERRATA.md.) The abbreviation-deciphering scene rests on Moskowitz alone (Crossley neither corroborates nor contradicts it), so the kinship this project has claimed with her — the first person to do to Stapledon’s private notation what we attempted with the lecture notes — should be stated with that source visible; what is documented either way is her posthumous editing, the deciphering she shared with the typist, and the title she supplied — the precise process by which the published text was put together from what he left, no source records. Second: when his old editor E. V. Rieu eulogized that Olaf had died serene because “comprehension had been added to acceptance,” Agnes later corrected him, in remarks printed by Moskowitz, in words that could stand as the epigraph to the 1934 lecture: “I believe, rather, that he came to terms with reality by preparing himself to… accept the reality unquestioningly whatever it might turn out to be… his ‘acceptance’ was open-minded — therefore serene and at peace.” Not comprehension — open-minded acceptance. She understood precisely what he had spent forty years refusing to claim. The 1954 front matter, now held, fills in her workshop. The dedication is to the readers (“It is offered also to YOU, to whom his last words speak in your own language”), and the Acknowledgement thanks the unnamed friends “who read and discussed the early sections of this book with Olaf while he was writing it” — so the meditations circulated in draft, and were not a purely private deathbed text — along with the typist Ruth Backhouse, who “spent hours with me poring over the difficult places in the manuscript” (a second decipherer at the table), and Rieu himself “for his long interest in the evolving of the book.” What survives of Rieu’s preface in the scan adds one framing note in season: of the two cosmic novels he records that Stapledon “himself, perhaps more wisely, called them myths.”

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1478 · ¶ 1484 · ¶ 1471 · ¶ 1443 — quoted passages in context
Back at Simon's Field at the end of August, Olaf worked steadily at *The Opening of the Eyes*. With his typical mixture of confidence and self-deprecation, he had told Naomi in June that it was going to be his "only really worthwhile book" on the subject of religion. "It's semi-poetry, very short, and of course profound. But when it is in print I shall discover that it's not profound at all, but just a stepping stone"[34] Even though he had not found a conclusion for the book, in the first week of September he began making a fair copy of the entire manuscript—his usual procedure before sending a new book to his typist. When he wasn't working on the manuscript, he returned to his easel. In France he had begun a nude of Agnes, but September in Caldy was too chilly for Agnes to pose comfortably. He turned to other subjects, and Agnes later remembered how "he seemed to be painting almost feverishly during his last week as if he knew he would not have much more time."[35]
Every sudden death is shocking; only hindsight discloses its inevitability. In Olaf's case an almost uncanny appearance of physical freshness belied his sixty-four years, and his reputation as a vigorous climber and swimmer left mourning friends mystified. For most of his years, he himself had worried more about the prospect of aging and senility than premature death. At forty he wrote of "the dumb scream of our dying youth" and the terrifying "first gray hair / encountered on the morning after love's night."[37] In one of the notebooks for *The Opening of the Eyes*, he boasted of "my body, a sturdy nag, mettlesome but seldom unruly." But in the summer of 1950 he knew he had not been feeling right. In a late passage in *The Opening of the Eyes*, he portrayed himself as "already rather old and tired, and soon perhaps to die."[38] He worked determinedly, as if by adherence to a literal internal deadline, to bring the book into final form. As congestion in his chest and shortness of breath tired him in his last weeks, did he find himself remembering earlier intimations of coronary trouble? A diary entry from 1907, when he underwent a physical examination by the college physician before a rowing match at Oxford, provokes the question: "I went to Dr. Collier at 10.15. After a lengthy examination he said I was a border case. I have not a weak heart or anything but he does not know if my heart's strong enough for racing."[39] If there was some weakness, generated perhaps by a bout of scarlet fever among his long succession of childhood illnesses, it may have been compensated by his passion for exercise, but a lifelong weakness for cream, butter, eggs, and tobacco undoubtedly took a toll.
*The Opening of the Eyes* grew literally into a Book of Revelations, an Apocalypse that peeled back the veils of illusion obscuring the heart of reality. The lack of a satisfactory resolution to this incomplete book may have been inevitable no matter how long the author lived.
With *A Man Divided* in press at Methuen, he revealed, in a rare interview, that he was writing his definitive philosophical work, an old man's book designed to sum up his career. At a lunch he told E. V. Rieu about the book, with a sense of assurance and content that his longtime editor had rarely seen in him. "He had reached the goal of his thinking," Rieu recalled Olaf saying serenely. To his daughter he said simply that with that book, titled by Agnes after his death *The Opening of the Eyes*, he would be finished with writing.[8]
Moskowitz (1979) ↗ · ¶ 9 · ¶ 19 · ¶ 20 — quoted passages in context
[…] whether related to his work or not. Visitors were welcome and treated with courtesy. Olaf also had the knack of perceiving their personal concerns and involving himself with them. He was not only considerate of his family but of virtually everyone he met. Agnes Stapledon had a wide variety of her own interests, including the community, the schools, and local activities. She found her husband always ready to hear details of these, evaluate problems seriously, and offer suggestions. Inevitably this resulted in a high degree of amiable reciprocity on her part. Olaf used her for a sounding board for his ideas, and her assistance in the final revision of his manuscripts helped them attain their polished clarity. A part of this involved checking spelling, which she has said was not one of her husband’s strong points. After his death it was she who transcribed the notes for The Opening of the Eyes, with their many difficult-to-decipher abbreviations, wrote the dedication to the work, and attended to all other details preceding publication.
[…] Communists… When I protested, they replied that it really didn’t matter lying, even to personal friends, if it was for the Revolution....We had many long and heated arguments, in which they simply insisted that the Revolution justified any means whatever… In the end I said I wouldn’t do the job, and if they persuaded someone else to do it, I would publish the truth." The same thought is found in The Opening of the Eyes: "If one must reject the comrades, it is not because they work for a world-wide revolution. For in the world today revolution, a painful social change, is the only hope. But what sort of revolution do the comrades desire, and by what means do they work for it?" Not long after his return to England Stapledon met his longtime friend E.V. Rieu in London. Rieu describes the meeting in these words: "He had reached the goal of his thinking; he had come to terms with reality; and comprehension had been added to acceptance. There was a note of serenity in his bearing which it is a pleasure to remember, now that he is gone." Agnes Stapledon regrets now ever having let those passages remain in the introduction, but at the time she had no inkling that posthumous interest in her husband would reach its present intensity. "It is much too simple and too final," she says. "I hope that Olaf was actually as serene in his thinking as Rieu believed him to be—but if he was serene I don’t believe it was because ‘comprehension had been added to acceptance.’ I believe, rather, that he came to terms with reality by preparing himself to surrender the struggle to comprehend and agreeing to accept the reality unquestioningly whatever it might turn out to be. Did he actually renounce Communism and Socialism? He had never been a member of the Communist party, but he continued to admire some things about the Communist philosophy, just as he continued to detest some
attitudes and actions of the party members. He never abandoned the socialist ideal in which he included all that was best in Communism, but equally he was openly critical of the Socialist party. He was too modest a man ever to believe that he had the final word to pronounce either for anyone else or for himself. But I think his ‘acceptance’ was open-minded—therefore serene and at peace." Wolfgang Brueck met Stapledon in London for the last time about three weeks before his death. Brueck then had a job in London, and joined Olaf, Agnes, and Mary for a meal at a Polish restaurant near Victoria Station. The four had a very pleasant evening and parted at Tottenham Court Road. Stapledon ate relatively little meat. He enjoyed vegetables and they constituted a good part of his diet. At the time of that last meeting Brueck remembers that Stapledon looked extremely fit and showed not the slightest indication of that shortness of breath which is sometimes an advance indicator of circulatory problems. On September 5, 1950, Olaf Stapledon chopped wood. He felt more tired than usual, and Agnes persuaded him to lie down on the couch in the study. She went to Heswell that afternoon to visit her son. On a September 6th the two were joined at supper by Agnes’ mother, who was staying with them at the time. Olaf had little appetite and ate scarcely anything. After the meal he carried a tray of dishes into the kitchen. He put the tray down on a cupboard and collapsed, falling backward and hitting his head as he fell. He was dead before the family could do anything to assist him. The cause of death was later given as a coronary arterial occlusion. Deposits had built up, culminating in the attack that ended his life. Brueck received a telegram from John the next day, informing him of the tragedy. Agnes retained her surface calm, but two days later, when Brueck visited her, she finally broke down and cried, remembering an old Australian aborigine saying: "If a strong gale blows in the evening it takes the souls away." She suffered terribly before time eased the loss. William Olaf Stapledon's ashes were scattered to the winds on the cliffs of Caldy, near Simon's Field
The Opening of the Eyes (1954) ↗ · ¶ 13 · ¶ 24 · ¶ 25 · ¶ 18 — quoted passages in context
It is offered also to YOU, to whom his last words speak in your own language.
For fear of making omissions I shall not name any of the friends who read and discussed the early sections of this book with Olaf while he was writing it, but I must acknowledge with gratitude the final reading and comment on the whole by our good friend Professor L. C. Martin.
To Mrs. Ruth Backhouse (Ruth Tallis) who twenty-three years ago had made the typescript of *Last and First Men*, and who not only typed the present work but spent hours with me poring over the difficult places in the manuscript, I owe more than I can say for the courage her kindness gave me.
I have called these two books histories because, to me, they speak with all the authority of one who has read the documents and given us the fruits of true research. Stapledon himself, perhaps more wisely, called them myths. In factual form they tell the story of a quest and of its goal—the spirit's search for a sure path through the problem of good and evil to the throne of God.

One more late document belongs at the end of this genealogy, because it shows the lecture’s title subject still on the workbench when he died. Crossley records that “In a chapter written sometime in his last two years and designed for an unwritten book on humanism, he imagined the finale of London”: “The London streets will not always be crowded. Sooner or later the tide of human life will recede from them… And even if man escapes to other worlds, to other stars, he will not escape the ultimate freezing out of all life in the cosmos. This, not individual death but universal death, is for the awakened mind the probability to be reckoned with.” Sixteen years after telling South Place that humanism is not enough, and four after asking Conway Hall whether it is, he was still drafting a book on humanism — and the surviving chapter does what the lecture’s second half did: it sets the human street under the astronomical night. The book was never written. The question the 1934 title posed outlived every answer he drafted for it.

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1485 · ¶ 1486 — quoted passages in context
Olaf lived zestfully and had not been afraid of dying. He measured individual lives against a cosmic scale, insisted on placing the flickering light of human consciousness in the context of the cold, remote, and impersonal light of the stars. Worried as he was about the cataclysm of atomic war, he went on hoping that human beings would see the back of the moon "in a few decades." His last article, published a month after he died, foresaw new horizons opening out so long as people worked to "get round these dangerous corners." And astronomical speculation provided cold solace for the otherwise unthinkable alternative: "If we blow this world to pieces it will centuries of human adventure, but I find a certain comfort in the thought that there are millions of worlds like ours."[40] He accepted his own mortality calmly. For him the extinction of species and of cosmoses was more profoundly tragic than any individual death. In a chapter written sometime in his last two years and designed for an unwritten book on humanism, he imagined the finale of London:
The London streets will not always be crowded. Sooner or later the tide of human life will recede from them. An atom bomb, or bacteria, or sheer starvation, or causes still inconceivable, will some day destroy this ant's nest. What ruins will remain, weed-possessed or sterile from radiation? Or if by some freak of history this city is to be inconceivably long-lived, what unimaginable ruins will in the end be snow-blanketed in the final glaciation of the planet, or blown into space in the planet's shattering death agony? In one way or another there will surely be an end to this daily thronging. And even if man escapes to other worlds, to other stars, he will not escape the ultimate freezing out of all life in the cosmos. This, not individual death but universal death, is for the awakened mind the probability to be reckoned with.[41]

3.11 Hierarchy, eugenics, empire: the salute’s political shadow

One thread in this genealogy has to be stated plainly, because the documents quote around it more comfortably than the record warrants. Stapledon entered print, in 1908, as a legislative eugenicist: “The Splendid Race” proposes that marriages into “a family tainted with disease or moral weakness… should be regarded as a kind of incest,” to be “prevented by public opinion, which should be aided by legislation,” with celibacy for “undesirables” framed as “self-denial for the good of the community.” The essay’s hero is named in its opening line — “COLUMBUS FOUND A NEW WORLD; but Francis Galton found a new humanity” — and Crossley’s endnote catalogues the piece plainly as “an encomium on Francis Galton’s proposals for the ‘Improvement of the Human Breed’”; with Galton’s own books now held (August 2026, the monograph shelf), the undergraduate’s position can be measured against his hero’s: the family-records, pride-of-birth and differential-marriage programme the essay recaps is Galton’s, but the legislation clause is the twenty-year-old’s addition — Galton’s Inquiries into Human Faculty (1883) proposes persuasion, honour and endowment, never statute. The biography deepens the provenance at both ends. The essay appeared in his school’s old-boys’ magazine (The Old Abbotsholmian, 1908), and Crossley’s longer quotation gives the argument its evangelical register: “But why is it sacrilegious to use direct means for the improvement of the human breed? We have been given wherewithal to climb a little nearer to divinity. Are we to stand mesmerised within the chalk circle of convention?” And the title itself has a traceable source: Abbotsholme’s school anthem, “The Love of Comrades” — “distilled from Whitman’s poem of the same name and laced with a jigger of British imperialism” — which the boy sang in the lines “We will make the Continents inseparable; We will make the most splendid race the sun ever shone upon.” The “splendid race” was learned as an anthem before it was proposed as a program. And the school supplied the other vocabulary in the same yard: the headmaster Cecil Reddie’s bathing poster ranked “the intimate contact of the human body with water” as “worship of Nature” — worship of the nonhuman was Abbotsholme idiom before it was Stapledon’s philosophy, taught alongside the anthem’s imperial race. Behind the school stands the colony. Crossley opens the life at Port Said: “From a childhood at the crossroads of the British economic empire, he took away images of a multi-ethnic world and of imperialist arrogance he never forgot” — a single root feeding both columns of this section’s ledger, the cosmopolitanism (Odd John’s international colony “is explicitly linked to Port Said, ‘the most cosmopolitan spot in all the world’”) and the anti-imperial politics documented below. The same years supply the imperial baseline he later outgrew — his 1913 self-educator articles held that “No parental care on the part of a conquering nation will turn Bushmen into Britons,” a sentence Crossley prints as the racial view the mature man discarded — and the biography’s summary of the trajectory matches the corpus’s: he “long remained curious about eugenics (at least until the revelations of Nazi experiments several decades later).” The 1929 thesis carries the ranking impulse into philosophy — everyone fulfilled “not merely… up to the limit of his capacity, but of the very highest capacity,” the man who achieves less “a cripple, an unfortunate, and a scourge to society” — and the lecture’s own preferred fourth world, “a hierarchical world where many subordinates fulfil their powers and a few attain the heights,” is that impulse’s 1934 form: softened by the mechanization mitigation, fenced by the consent margin, but still a ranked world, and not an innocent thought-experiment in the year of the Nuremberg rallies. Nor is that judgment anachronistic: the charge was made to his face, and the biography preserves it. When Odd John staged the great-man politics (months after South Place — §3.9), Haldane, “one friendly reader of the novel” in Crossley’s words, granted the evolutionary sport as “perfectly possible” science and then rejected the ideology outright: a better society comes “by developing the internal contradictions latent in the existing state, and not by the godlike activity of great men (the fascist theory). . . . It seems to me that your attitude is the kind which leads people to fascism.” The exchange was symmetrical: Haldane’s own future-myth (“The Last Judgment,” now held — §4) breeds a Venusian race-organism with pity edited out of the species as “an unpleasant feeling aroused by the suffering of other individuals” — the collectivist terminus sheets 20 and 25 refuse as firmly as Haldane refused the great man. And the technique outlived the worship. The 1931 broadcast “The Remaking of Man” hopes “that the creation of such a race will become in time the constant policy of all mankind”; the 1945 atomic-power essay would “turn all workers into aristocrats,” with “the universal slave, atomic power” doing what servants did; Youth and Tomorrow (1946) keeps improvement “by eugenical or biochemical methods” on the far-future agenda; Interplanetary Man? (1948) contemplates that “given sufficient biological knowledge and eugenical technique, it might be possible to breed new human types of men to people the planets.” In the 1948 discussion the civilizing mission’s grammar surfaces in his own courteous idiom: “we should try to educate other races — as long as we were sure we were educating them up and not down to our level.” What the 1934 lecture disavows, then, is the worship of supermen — the master-race deity — not the ambition to remake human stock; the two run side by side to the end. Even the doctrineless wartime pamphlet keeps the ranked idiom without the breeding program: Beyond the “Isms” (1942) has “superiors in the vast hierarchy of the spirit,” rates the capacity for the higher activities as belonging to “all of us who are above the moron level,” and defines humanity as “being incipiently superhuman” — no eugenics proposals anywhere in it, but the ranking impulse audible in a book about the spirit. They also run beside their own correctives, in the same books and the same years: sheet 11’s “none may sacrifice another against his will”; the anti-herd and anti-Race-deity arguments of sheets 20 and 25; the 1936 Peace Letter’s concrete anti-imperial program — the fourth and final draft, dispatched to thirty newspapers that September, called on Britain to “surrender for the good of humanity any privileges, imperial or economic” acquired through exploitation and to grant its colonies “self-government speedily and without restriction” (and when a correspondent could not imagine what privileges Englishmen enjoyed at others’ expense, Stapledon wondered whether he thought “the British Empire is a purely philanthropic institution”); the wartime platform’s explicit disavowal of biological nationalism — in a 1941 lecture to a military audience, “Is There an English Spirit?”, “he denied that the ‘biological Englishman’ had any more reality than Hitler’s Aryan,” and the litany he built for the companion article (“most of which was cut from the printed version”) holds pride and shame in one sentence: “One may reasonably be proud of being English, so long as one is also ashamed. I am proud to be the fellow-countryman of Shakespeare and Newton; ashamed of the slave-traders, the industrial exploiters, the imperial adventurers… ashamed of the Black and Tans, of the Amritsar Massacre, of the treatment of the unemployed”; and Star Maker’s 1937 epilogue registering both the colonial fact (“where Dutch and English profit by the Negro millions, those hosts were stirred by vague dreams of freedom”) and its mechanism (“mastered… through priority in the use of guns, and the arrogance that guns breed”). The biography adds the pre-history of those published epilogue sentences: they are the flattened residue of a sharper manuscript. The draft’s final panorama had ended its African survey “Far to the south, where Dutch and English thrive on the negro millions, I heard it whispered, ‘The Blacks are waking.’” — an image of Abyssinian resistance spreading across a waking continent — and “In the text as published,” Crossley writes, “everything in this splendid passage is flattened into three cautious sentences”; his explanation is Stapledon’s own topicality worry (“Remembering how quickly the topical first forty pages of Last and First Men had dated, Stapledon blunted a sharp image of a new Africa”), with the surrounding political passages toned down in a run of revisions he connects to Myers’s editorial advice. (One caution on Crossley’s account, which the held novel can check: his list of passages “deleted from the manuscript at Myers’s urging” includes the young men “ranked together in their thousands, exalted, possessed, saluting the flood-lit Führer” — but that sentence stands in the published epilogue nearly verbatim, “in thousands” for “in their thousands” (§3.6 quotes it), so “deleted” there means at most reworked; the Africa case, where his word is “flattened,” is the one his evidence fully supports.) The corpus indicts empire and herd-worship while keeping breeding and hierarchy on the table — a progressive package of its period, held with unusual self-awareness and no more than usual self-suspicion. A reader of the lecture should know both halves.

rare pieces (1908–49) ↗ · ¶ 39 · ¶ 44 · ¶ 41 · ¶ 95 · ¶ 218 — quoted passages in context
COLUMBUS FOUND A NEW WORLD; but Francis Galton found a new humanity. The former discovery has given us gold and enterprise; from the latter we may hope for gentlemen, even heroes. It was long after the voyage of Columbus that the new world began to be used by the old. So also it will be long after the first probing of the subject that mankind will begin to profit by the science of heredity. After the work of Mendel, Weismann, Galton, and others, our conception of humanity must be fundamentally altered. To the ancient the human type was a rock, created fixed for evermore. To the man of the last century it was a cloud, ever changing but unalterable. To us it must be a virgin continent, to be cultivated and civilised. Darwin showed that man is the result of evolution. Others have shown that he may direct his evolution. Hitherto we have sought progress with social and political contrivances; but soon we shall bring to bear what may be a far more potent method. Mankind is like a child that has been patiently gathering apples as they fall, when suddenly he has the glorious idea of climbing the tree. Hitherto he has been stinted, but now there opens a vision of plenty to be realised by pluck and skill. For mankind the apples are health and strength, intellect and virtue.
We are told not to interfere with the divine caprice of love. Surely this is unreasonable. We lament when a friend marries into a social class lower than his own. We should have more reason to deplore his marriage into a family tainted with disease or moral weakness. Love is capricious; but even now it is confined within certain limits. It is held wicked to indulge it beyond them; and such is the force of public opinion that it seldom occurs beyond them. A marriage in which husband and wife bear some particular taint may well produce children some of whom are seriously deformed in mind or body. Such marriages should be regarded as a kind of incest. In time they will be prevented by public opinion, which should be aided by legislation. At first, no doubt, there will be many tragedies of revolt against custom and law. It may be held that love exists not merely for the perpetuation of the race, but is an end in itself, the spiritual union and beatitude of individual men and women. The noble type of love which can claim to be a spiritual end in itself has evolved from something less noble. If it be wisely controlled now, in time humanity may be capable of an emotion far more intense and far more divine.
The application of the knowledge which has been already acquired is still hampered by universal prejudice. Not till this has been destroyed can we hope to realise the schemes of Galton for the "Improvement of the Human Breed." He suggested that records should be kept of the history of every family, that every man might know something of his hereditary capabilities and liabilities. In this way he hoped that there would arise a true pride of birth. No one of clean pedigree would be likely to marry into a tainted family. There would be a real aristocracy of birth. The poorer specimens would be continually dying out, since it would be hard for them to marry. He also points out that it cannot be held cruel to allow undesirables to die out in this way. The individuals may still live happy and useful lives. For them celibacy is self-denial for the good of the community. But nothing can be done till the interest in these things is universal. The homage paid to riches and "nobility" must be replaced by a more honest homage to pure birth, the true nobility.
The general direction of desirable changes I would summarise in this way. They should afford me a richer, wider, deeper, more subtle, more accurate experience of this amazing world. Further, they should help me to see more clearly what is really desirable. Finally, they should enable me, in every kind of situation, to take all relevant facts into account, and behave always with supreme tact, intelligence, insight, foresight, so that always the best possible results may follow. That I should be remade, or you, is impossible. But do we not desire that a race of beings far happier and more vital than ourselves should some day occur? I for one hope that the creation of such a race will become in time the constant policy of all mankind. And though this radical remaking of man is not practical politics to-day, already some of the preliminary steps need no longer be dismissed as fantasy.
Of course, we might use atomic power to abolish work altogether, but this would be a mistake. Men need work as much as leisure; but the right sort of work, and not too much of it. They need, for their own personal fulfilment, to be called on to play a part in the great common venture. But each must have work suited to his particular capacity, and it must be neither too boring nor too exacting. Moreover, each must be able to take pride in his contribution to the general good. Atomic power affords the opportunity of transforming the whole work of the world to suit the needs of the worker. Hitherto there was always an excuse for planning jobs solely for the maximum output in relation to the power used; but when power becomes almost as plentiful as water, nothing should stand in the way of planning jobs primarily for the welfare of the worker. And since our aim must be to turn all workers into aristocrats, jobs must be planned for the needs of aristocrats. All work unsuited to aristocrats must be done by the universal slave, atomic power. The whole population of the world-wide aristocratic democracy will be engaged on innumerable forms of skilled work, manual, intellectual, artistic, social, and so on. The first impact of machinery was to destroy the old crafts, and increase the demand for unskilled workers. Atomic power, if it is wisely used, will gradually abolish all soul-destroying labour, and create a vast number of new skills and crafts. Very soon the problem will be to find enough skill.
Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1818 · ¶ 431 · ¶ 358 · ¶ 359 · ¶ 348 · ¶ 131 · ¶ 265 · ¶ 570 · ¶ 918 · ¶ 919 · ¶ 963 · ¶ 1040 · ¶ 1041 · ¶ 979 · ¶ 980 · ¶ 981 — quoted passages in context
49. "Captain James Walker" manuscript (SFP). 50. OS diary, 22 Mar. 1912 (SA). 51. OS to ES, 29 Mar. 1912 (SFP). 52. OS to ES, 1 Apr. 1912 (SFP). 53. *OJ*, 191. 54. OS to WS and ES, 8 May 1912 [misdated 1910] (SFP). 55. OS made a lexicon of his shorthand symbols in the endpapers of his 1912 diary (SA). 56. OS to AM, 22 July 1912; OS to ES, 21 June, 5 July 1912 (SFP). 57. OS diary, 30 June, 2 July, 3 July, 5 July 1912 (SA). 58. OS diary, 8–9 July 1912 (SA). 59. A shorthand draft of the epic's invocation survives in the 1912 diary (SA). 60. OS diary, 17 Aug. 1912 (SA). 61. I have found two published poems from this period: "The Builder" in the *Old Abbotsholmian* 3, no. 11 (1912), 169, and "A Prayer" in the *Highway* 5 (Oct. 1912), 5. Other poems may have appeared in provincial newspapers. Of the prose pieces, only the last exists in finished form: "The People, Self Educator," *Old Abbotsholmian* 3, no. 12 (1913), 203–207. OS's interest in eugenics dates to his Oxford years; he published an encomium on Francis Galton's proposals for the "Improvement of the Human Breed" in "The Splendid Race," *Old Abbotsholmian* 2, no. 8 (1908), 212–16. 62. OS to ES, 23 Jan. 1913 (SFP). His diary entry for the same date (SA) indicates he knew that he and Dot were responsible for his mother's "flight." 63. OS to ES, dated "Thursday night"—probably 23 Jan. 1913 (SFP). 64. OS diary, 12 and 18 Jan. 1913 (SA). 65. OS to ES, 12 Feb. 1913 (SFP). Letters from ES to her husband in the 1890s express a wish for more children. 66. OS, manuscript, "Letters to a Militiaman" (SA). 67. OS, from a self-portrait written for the dust jacket of *PL*.
But why is it sacrilegious to use direct means for the improvement of the human breed? We have been given wherewithal to climb a little nearer to divinity. Are we to stand mesmerised within the chalk circle of convention? No doubt we must act with caution. Our knowledge being still incomplete, we must not attempt very much at first. But let us at least have the will to progress.[54]
The "miniature kingdom" at Abbotsholme was a singlemindedly Platonic society; masters were dismissed if they married, and Reddie would splutter at any suggestion of coeducation. With “camaraderie” as its cardinal virtue, Abbotsholme was to remake the Englishman so that he could stand confidently alongside the courtly Spaniard, the polite Frenchman, and the charming Italian as a warmhearted global citizen who would no longer “offend the world by a want of sympathy and feeling, or, in a word, affection, in both public and private conduct.”[41] That aspiration resided in the school anthem, “The Love of Comrades,” distilled from Whitman’s poem of the same name and laced with a jigger of British imperialism:
Come! We will make the Continents inseparable; We will make the most splendid race the sun ever shone upon; We will make divine magnetic Lands: With the love, the love of Comrades; With the life-long love of Comrades; With the love, the life-long love of Comrades.[42]
Another poster, headed “What Are the Educative Merits of Bathing?”, outlined his ideas on swimming as the best of all exercises, on the aesthetic and moral value of nudity, on the intimate contact of the human body with water as “worship of Nature.”[26] Like all his pamphlets, it was an obsessive catalogue of first principles, but the practical results were undeniable: every Abbotsholmian learned to swim under the tutelage of his peers without adult intervention. A committee, run by a captain and vice-captain, gave lessons and tests to inexperienced students to bring them through seven stages of proficiency culminating in underwater swimming and lifesaving. Cold-water bathing became Olaf’s lifelong habit; in his fifties he used to flabbergast his neighbors, who watched him crack the ice on the Dee estuary in West Kirby for a January dip.
But what of the life as a whole, including the years before *Last and First Men*? Olaf Stapledon played a role, rarely at center stage and often as a kind of invisible man, at some of the formative events of the last hundred years. His earliest years were lived in the small English colony at Port Said, at the entrance to the Suez Canal. From a childhood at the crossroads of the British economic empire, he took away images of a multi-ethnic world and of imperialist arrogance he never forgot. As one of the first tutors in the Workers' Educational Association, he was a pioneer in the effort to democratize education. During the Great War he evolved a pacifism that led him to ambulance work for the Quakers and was later reconstituted in the disarmament movement of the thirties and antiwar activism at the outset of the Cold War. His politics were always on the Left but always fell short of an unqualified endorsement of
To Olaf, Willie began sending a weekly typed letter, telling him of doings at the Canal and expressing his anxiety lest his son forget him. “I wonder will you think of Father today,” or “Think of Fa a bit sometimes and of the happy times we had together here,” he wrote plaintively.[36] Those happy times resurfaced decades later in Stapledon’s late-blooming literary career. Although he lived in Port Said for only five years (excluding a few visits in the mid-1890s and a four-month nostalgic return at the age of twenty-six), the stream of letters from his father between 1891 and 1901 not only kept his impressions vivid but mythologized those young years when all three members of his little family were together. The boy’s telescopic visions “of a universe that teemed with suns and inhabited worlds” bore fruit four decades later in the great cosmic inquiries of the 1930s, *Last and First Men* and *Star Maker*. The international assortment of characters in his 1935 utopia *Odd John* is explicitly linked to Port Said, “the most cosmopolitan spot in all the world.”[37] But the novel closest to Olaf’s Egyptian memories is an extraordinary fantasy, overtly based on genetic experiments performed in the early 1940s by C. H. Waddington. *Sirius* is the story of a dog chemically and surgically altered with a large brain of human dimensions. When Naomi Mitchison asked him in 1944 why he had written such a book, at once bizarre and improbably moving, he replied, “I was brought up with a rather intelligent fox-terrier in Egypt, and this book profited by that quite a lot. In fact it now seems to me a sort of distorted act of piety toward that former but never quite forgotten beloved.”[38] The author’s explanation did not tell the whole truth about *Sirius* and the “beloved” that inspired it, but he traced the wellsprings of imagination all the way back to a five-year-old’s first visionary gleams. His pet dog Rip, with whom he was frequently photographed in Egypt and to whom he sent numerous childish notes enclosed in his own letter to his father, was often named by the adult Stapledon when he talked about *Sirius*. He told an audience in Manchester in 1947 that his novel had been inspired by an early “vision,” and he sketched that insight into “the aliveness of all living things” in his partly autobiographical *Last Men in London* (1932):
One such essay, "The People, Self Educator," originally an address to the Liverpool Ruskin Society, proposes that those whom the upper classes call "uneducated" are self-educated, and that teachers of working people succeed only when they see themselves not as authorities handing down wisdom but as inspiriting catalysts who motivate workers to seize their own education. This progressive view of education is disfigured, however, by ideas about race the author would later outgrow: "No parental care on the part of a conquering nation will turn Bushmen into Britons. On the other hand no lack of schools and colleges can make of the New Zealanders anything other than a civilized race."[57] During World War I, Stapledon's Anglo-Saxon prejudices dissolved into a more generous view of global community, and while he long remained curious about eugenics (at least until the revelations of Nazi experiments several decades later) he distanced himself from the notions of cultural homogenization on white European terms found in his earliest prose writings.
Recent commentaries on *Odd John* assume Nietzsche as a presiding philosophical influence. Actually, when Olaf read *Also Sprach Zarathustra* he thought it "pompous" and "ludicrously egotistical," declaring himself "hostile" to its central ideas.[63] Nevertheless, what he objected to in *Zarathustra* others might find all too evident in the career of John. One friendly reader of the novel dissented sharply from the tradition of utopian "supermen" the author had joined. Jack Haldane told Olaf the idea of an evolutionary sport was "perfectly possible" scientifically, but he deplored a regressive ideology that premised Utopia on a charismatic leader with telepathic powers:
I totally and radically disagree with your general attitude to social problems. As a (not too thorough-going) Marxist I believe that man progresses to a better state of society by developing the internal contradictions latent in the existing state, and *not* by the godlike activity of great men (the fascist theory). . . . It seems to me that your attitude is the kind which leads people to fascism.[64]
Olaf grew desperate to bring his work on the Peace Letter to some kind of conclusion. In June 1936 he had begun a drive to finish *Star Maker*, rapidly producing chapters for Leo Myers to criticize. “Methuens want it by December,” he wrote to Aage Marcus in early September, “but I doubt if I can finish it so soon.”[26] Meanwhile, he dispatched his fourth and last draft of the Peace Letter to thirty newspapers. The ten-point Letter began appearing in papers at the end of September. Its seventh and eighth articles, calling on Britain to “surrender for the good of humanity any privileges, imperial or economic” acquired through commercial exploitation and to grant its colonies “self-government speedily and without restriction,” generated a flurry of correspondence in *John O’London’s Weekly*. When a reader objected to such “emotional blather” since he could not imagine what privileges Englishmen had at the expense of other people, Olaf was moved to wonder whether the reader, ignorant of the unrest in India, Kenya, and Egypt, was under the illusion that “the British Empire is a purely philanthropic institution.”[27]
This kind of assessment of the strengths and limitations of his nation's past was to preoccupy Olaf straight through the war and into the postwar period. In a 1941 lecture to a military audience called "Is There an English Spirit?", he denied that the "biological Englishman" had any more reality than Hitler's Aryan. But he affirmed a cultural tradition of nine hundred years' standing that England stood for a humane spirit, for conventions of forbearance toward differences, and for moral indignation in the face of brutality. The tradition had been violated often enough, but there was enough truth to it to make it worth preserving. He summarized his English inheritance in a litany he put together for an article, most of which was cut from the printed version:
One may reasonably be proud of being English, so long as one is also ashamed. I am proud to be the fellow-countryman of Shakespeare and Newton; ashamed of the slave-traders, the industrial exploiters, the imperial adventurers. I am proud of Milton and Keats, Darwin and Kelvin, Arkwright and James Watt, Robert Owen and the Tolpuddle Martyrs; ashamed of the Black and Tans, of the Amritsar Massacre, of the treatment of the unemployed; proud of English gentleness (some call it squeamishness), and ashamed of our vile snobbery.[28]
I peered further, over the earth's shoulder, and saw the mountains where the last free black men had desperately defended their homes with muskets and spears against Italian guns, Italian aircraft. Desperately, vainly, yet not in vain; for the rumour of their stand and of their slaughter spread through Africa. Camels bore it through the gritty storms of the Sahara. Negro workers by the great lakes, where wild elephants trouble the crops, whispered it to one another, with sidelong glances at their own white masters. Hunters in the gorilla-haunted jungles, and in the veldt among the great wild herds, told the same tale. Far to the south, where Dutch and English thrive on the negro millions, I heard it whispered, 'The Blacks are waking.'
In the text as published, everything in this splendid passage is flattened into three cautious sentences. The great racial awakening, the liberation of a continent becomes an ill-defined dream: "Far southward, black men slept beside the great lakes. Elephants trampled the crops. Further still, where Dutch and English profit by the Negro millions, those hosts were stirred by vague dreams of freedom."[40]
Remembering how quickly the topical first forty pages of *Last and First Men* had dated, Stapledon blunted a sharp image of a new Africa, and in the process the passage lost its political edge and visionary luminance. In the published version the elephants are more prominent and more active than the sleeping Negro millions. Elsewhere in the final panorama, similar passages were deleted from the manuscript at Myers's urging: the "fiery glow in the sky" over Madrid where Spaniards "fought for life against the power of money, equipped with bombs and lies"; a glimpse of Rome, "city of past glory, where now the great idol of the mob, empty, echoing the mob's inarticulate howls, spell-bound the young men"; across the Alps more young men, "ranked together in their thousands, exalted, possessed, saluting the flood-lit Führer;" beyond China's Great Wall "fur-coated troops, Western in equipment but Eastern in devotion, spread the Pax Japonica with machine guns." By the time he was finished revising, Stapledon had drafted and redrafted *Star Maker* nearly as many times as the Star Maker had created and re-created the Cosmos. When the book was in page proofs in April, he wrote: "At the moment I am thoroughly disgusted with it, and can't imagine why I wrote it or why anyone should read it."[41]
Haldane, Possible Worlds (1927) ↗ · ¶ 659 — quoted passage in context
‘The modes of behaviour which our ancestors gradually overcame, and which only recur as the rarest aberrations among ourselves, included not only such self-regarding sentiments as pride and a personal preference concerning mating. They embraced emotions such as pity (an unpleasant feeling aroused by the suffering of other individuals). In a life completely dedicated to membership of a super-organism the one is as superfluous as the other, though altruism found its place in the emotional basis of the far looser type of society prevalent on earth.
Beyond the “Isms” (1942) ↗ · ¶ 304 · ¶ 199 · ¶ 195 — quoted passages in context
Toward those whom one recognizes as superiors in the vast hierarchy of the spirit one may feel, in virtue of the unity of the spirit, admiration untinged by jealousy. For their achievement is the spirit's achievement in them ; and in oneself lesser things are achieved by the same spirit. The left hand need not be jealous of the right hand's cunning.
For all-round personal well-being a man needs activity upon all these three planes, the sub-human, the average human, the incipiently super-human, if I may so call it. Probably all of us who are above the moron level have some latent capacity for the incipiently super-human activities.
What do we need for personal well-being? Since we are all members of one biological species, well-being is at bottom the same for us all. But since our species is human, and our fundamental identity blossoms out into rich diversity of individual character, well-being varies greatly from individual to individual. What is food for one is poison for another. It is the privilege of the human species that its individuals differ from one another far more than the individuals of any other natural species, in native equipment and still more in acquired character. And it is the glory of man at his best that the immense differences between human beings may lead not to mere hate and conflict but to mutual enrichment and mutual responsibility. And this is the way to the spirit. Indeed, since to be human involves being incipiently superhuman, all of us are alike in that we need for true well-being to be sensitive to the spirit and to behave according to the spirit, so far as in us lies.
A Modern Theory of Ethics (1929) ↗ · ¶ 231 — quoted passage in context
ESSENTIALS OF THE CONCRETE IDEAL 221 potentiality of the real as it now is, by the character and potentiality of a certain particular, though that particular be the universe. The ideal is that ‘is particular universe, that happens to exist, should be fulfilled as richly as pos- sible, not (per impossibile) that this universe should be wiped out and another of a more elegant kind substituted for it. The practical ideal, the only ideal which we can envisage, is human ; and being human it is social. But its sociality is derivative, not essential. Essentially the practical ideal is the fulfilment of human mental capacity, and its exercise upon the richest possible objective content; but this fulfilment quite certainly entails sociality. The practical ideal, in fact, is that the human race should achieve the highest possible mentality and the richest possible culture. And this mentality and culture must be particularized in just so many individuals, neither more nor less, as are necessary for its perfection. But so long as there is an excess of individuals (if there be), they also have their rights. The immediate ideal must not simply neglect them, even for the sake of the ultimate mental perfection of the race. But the more remote ideal is that there should be just so many individuals as are needed to perfect human capacity and culture. Further, lest some individuals should lack fulfilment, it is demanded in the ideal that every one should be, not merely fulfilled up to the limit of his capacity, but of the very highest capacity. For a man who achieves less than full humanity is so far a cripple, an unfortunate, and a scourge to society.. Thus it is demanded that each individual should know all that is known and will the good. If this encyclopaedic know- ledge seems preposterous, let us say that each should know at least schematically all that is known, so that he may will the good. For if any were to know less than the schema of all knowledge, or will less than the ideal, the harmony of all would be destroyed, and the activity of the whole would be discrepant with itself, and the pro- gressive discovery and achievement of yet higher ideals would be hindered. But if each is to know all and will
Youth and Tomorrow (1946) ↗ · ¶ 171 — quoted passage in context
limited in the last resort by the capacity of his central nervous system, which fixes his innate powers of sensitivity, discrimination and correlation. It may be that, like the pterodactyl, man is prevented by the fundamental limitations of his nature from any more successful solution of his biological problems; certainly there is no likelihood that his problems will be further solved by the automatic forces of biological evolution. On the other hand, his human powers, though rudimentary, are enough to enable him to take charge of his own destiny in a way which is impossible to any other species. At present his native capacity, rudimentary as it is, does not get the chance to express itself at all fully, because it is hampered in most individuals throughout the world by malnutrition, disease, damaging social and personal relations, faulty education and a weight of superstition, spiritistic or materialistic. When these crippling influences have been moved, average human nature should be able to fulfil its capacity, and attain a level of excellence far beyond its present achievement. And with the immense release of human capacity, formerly frustrated, mankind may open up for itself horizons at present wholly inconceivable. But the possible release of human capacities which are at present frustrated must not blind us to the fact that this process of “making the best of “ actual human nature is limited by the actual structure of the human organism. This structure itself man may perhaps someday improve, by eugenical or biochemical methods, and so create in human nature new capacities. Man may, for instance, some day equip himself with a mightier brain. But all such dangerous adventures lie in the far future. Even today, however, we can perhaps glimpse in our own lowly human experience vague intimations of orders of activity and awareness which lie almost wholly beyond the reach of human nature in its present form. Psychical research, though it has exposed a vast amount of fraud and vulgar
Interplanetary Man? (1948) ↗ · ¶ 14 — quoted passage in context
IV. Adapting Man to the Planets IT IS TIME to approach the whole matter from another angle. If the mountain will not come to Mohamet, Mohamet must go to the mountain. If the planets are unadaptable to man in his present form, perhaps man might adapt himself to the alien environments of those strange worlds. Or rather, perhaps a combination of the two processes might enable man to make the best possible use of those worlds. In fact, given sufficient biological knowledge and eugenical technique, it might be possible to breed new human types of men to people the planets. Once more, Mars seems to offer the best opportunity. It should be fairly easy to produce a variety of homo sapiens capable of surviving the rigours of an improved Martian environment. Perhaps the best human stock from which to start would be the Tibetans, who are used to a cold, arid climate and a rarified atmosphere. But unless the Martian atmosphere could be augmented quite a lot, and the surface temperature greatly raised, the specialized human Martians would probably lack the vital energy for any kind of highly developed civilization. Only where nature blossoms with a certain luxuriance can the human spirit itself blossom. However, by a combination of environmental and eugenical alteration, it might perhaps be possible in the long run to establish a vigorous population on Mars. On Venus, given oxygen and water, man’s biochemical and eugenical technique might perhaps produce a well-adapted human variety or a new human species. Since Venerian man would have to stand great heat, the work might start with experiments on some Equatorial varieties of our species. Presumably in that hot world a dark skin would be useful; unless,
JBIS discussion (1948) ↗ · ¶ 17 — quoted passage in context
If we met a race that nearly matched us in culture, Dr. Stapledon hoped that co-operation would be possible, and that we would not treat it as we had treated the aborigines. On the other hand, if it was superior and turned Earth into a reservation, that would be the end of humanity, as it would lose the will to live. He agreed that we should try to educate other races — as long as we were sure we were educating them up and not down to our level.
Star Maker (1937) ↗ · ¶ 716 · ¶ 717 — quoted passages in context
Far left-wards again, Russia, an appreciably convex segment of our globe, snow-pale in the darkness, spread out under thestars and cloudtracts. Inevitably I saw the spires of the Kremlin, confronting the Red Square. There Lenin lay, victorious. Far off, at the foot of the Urals, imagination detected the ruddy plumes and smoke-pall of Magnetostroy. Beyond the hills there gleamed a hint of dawn; for day, at my midnight, was already pouring westward across Asia, overtaking with its advancing front of gold and rose the tiny smoke-caterpillar of the Trans-Siberian Express. To the north, the iron-hard Arctic oppressed the exiles in their camps. Far southward lay the rich valleys and plains that once cradled our species. But there I now saw railway lines ruled across the snow. In every village Asiatic children were waking to another schoolday, and to the legend of Lenin. South again the Himalayas, snow-clad from waist to crest, looked over the rabble of their foot-hills into crowded India. I saw the dancing cotton plants, and the wheat, and the sacred river that bore the waters of Kamet past ricefields and crocodile-shallows, past Calcutta with its shipping and its offices, down to the sea. From my midnight I looked into China. The morning sun glanced from the flooded fields and gilded the ancestral graves. The Yang Tse, a gleaming, crumpled thread, rushed through its gorge. Beyond the Korean ranges, and across the sea, stood Fujiyama, extinct and formal. Around it a volcanic population welled and seethed in that narrow land, like lava in a crater. Already it spilled over Asia a flood of armies and of trade. Imagination withdrew and turned to Africa. I saw the man-made thread of water that joins West to East; then minarets, pyramids, the ever-waiting Sphinx. Ancient Memphis itself now echoed with the rumor of Magnetostroy. Far southward, black men slept beside the great lakes. Elephants trampled the crops. Further still, where Dutch and English profit by the Negro millions, those hosts were stirred by vague dreams of freedom. Peering beyond the whole bulge of Africa, beyond cloud-spread Table Mountain, I saw the Southern Ocean, black with storms, and then the ice-cliffs with their seals and penguins, and the high snow-fields of the one unpeopled continent. Imagination faced the midnight sun, crossed the Pole, and passed Erebus, vomiting hot lava down his ermine. Northward it sped over the summer sea, past New Zealand, that freer but less conscious Britain, to Australia, where clear-eyed horsemen collect their flocks.
Still peering eastward from my hill, I saw the Pacific, strewn with islands; and then the Americas, where the descendants of Europe long ago mastered the descendants of Asia, through priority in the use of guns, and the arrogance that guns breed. Beside the further ocean, north and south, lay the old New World; the River Plate and Rio, the New England cities, radiating center of the old new style of life and thought. New York, dark against the afternoon sun, was a cluster of tall crystals, a Stonehenge of modern megaliths. Round these, like fishes nibbling at the feet of waders, the great liners crowded. Out at sea also I saw them, and the plunging freighters, forging through the sunset, port holes and decks aglow. Stokers sweated at furnaces, look-out men in crow's-nests shivered, dance music, issuing from opened doors, was drowned by the wind.

4. Intellectual context: what he was arguing with

5. What the lecture really argues (interpretive summary)

Strip the scaffolding and the argument is this:

  1. Ethics bottoms out in intuition — the felt “I ought,” the seen worthwhileness of developed human capacity. No demonstration is possible or needed.
  2. Humanism, taken seriously, self-transcends. Its own best form posits a goal that is good absolutely, not merely because we want it; its own logic makes individuals — and finally Mankind itself — instrumental to something more. The humanist who follows his ideal all the way up finds himself already outside humanism.
  3. There is a distinctive experience — the numinous apprehension of the whole — which the reductive arguments dissolve, or spare, exactly as they dissolve or spare the moral intuitions humanism itself rests on. To accept the one and reduce the other (via Freud, via biology) is special pleading. (Parity of vulnerability, note, not proof of veridicality — a limit the notes themselves respect, §2.4.)
  4. But the experience licenses no doctrine. Every inference from “I am aware of an unspeakable Beauty” to “therefore God, therefore providence, therefore immortality” is corrupted by the craving for security. The discipline of superhumanism is to stay at the salute — “I can say no more about it, but only about its effects on me.”
  5. The test is practice. Genuine worship yields energy plus detachment: fiercer service of the human ideal, unshakable peace when fate defeats it, humility that confers dignity, scepticism that improves thinking. Perverted worship (withdrawal, dogma, persecution, herd-hysteria) is diagnosed and disowned in advance.
  6. Man is transitional — “scarcely a beginning — even, But doomed?” — and his true function is to be the universe’s local organ of awareness and praise (a synthesis of sheets 22, 28 and 30 — where the margin’s own answer, “To worship,” is first struck and then restored). This is not misanthropy but the only ground of a dignity that cannot be humiliated by the stars.

The position is genuinely original — it is not theism, not pantheism (Waking World’s same-year verdict groups “The Whole is a living conscious Whole” with the assertions that are “all equally false”), not Russell’s defiant humanism (the free man’s worship is offered “at the shrine that his own hands have built” — §4 sets the two side by side), not Huxley’s religion of conferred sanctity (§4), not mysticism (he explicitly brackets “mystical vision”), and not proto-existentialism (the Other is not absurd; it “may yet be in itself systematic”). The nearest kin are Spinoza’s amor dei intellectualis stripped of Spinoza’s rational necessity — a kinship Stapledon himself acknowledged in Waking World that same year, naming Spinoza (with Jesus and the Buddha) as exemplifying “the union of courageous moral action and ecstatic acceptance, or, as he called it, ‘the intellectual love of God’” — and the “disinterested” religious naturalism later developed by writers he influenced. It is a position for those who are neither Christians nor atheists — the stance he was still performing on an American stage in the last year of his life, in the “concise anti-autobiography” the biography records from Newark, March 1949: “I am not a Communist. I am not a Christian. I am just me.” (Crossley’s source is Moskowitz’s eyewitness narrative; he cautions that “Newark newspapers made no mention of OS’s speech.”) The lecture’s own best name for the position is the larger rationalism. One tension the lecture leaves standing deserves naming: it finds “the superhuman everywhere” while insisting that “all our knowledge of it is mythical” and “I can say no more about it.” A position that lives that close to self-cancellation survives, if it survives, as a practice rather than a proposition — which is what the rest of the shelf (§3.9) shows it becoming.

Russell, “A Free Man’s Worship” (1903) ↗ · ¶ 23 — quoted passage in context
Brief and powerless is Man's life; on him and all his race the slow, sure doom falls pitiless and dark. Blind to good and evil, reckless of destruction, omnipotent matter rolls on its relentless way; for Man, condemned to-day to lose his dearest, to-morrow himself to pass through the gate of darkness, it remains only to cherish, ere yet the blow falls, the lofty thoughts that ennoble his little day; disdaining the coward terrors of the slave of Fate, to worship at the shrine that his own hands have built; undismayed by the empire of chance, to preserve a mind free from the wanton tyranny that rules his outward life; proudly defiant of the irresistible forces that tolerate, for a moment, his knowledge and his condemnation, to sustain alone, a weary but unyielding Atlas, the world that his own ideals have fashioned despite the trampling march of unconscious power.
Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 156 · ¶ 2633 — quoted passages in context
On that March night Moskowitz may have been the only person in the Mosque Theater who had read any of Stapledon's fiction, the only one who hadn't come to hear political oratory but to see a legend. The name of Olaf Stapledon had passed by word of mouth through a small group of American science fiction readers who had discovered his out-of-print fantasies and fables of the 1930s. Now he was sixty-three, gray-haired but still plump-cheeked as adolescent. A newsman's camera that night captured the impression of youth, and the next day's papers showed a figure who looked no older than the man Howard Coster had photographed eleven years earlier. When he stood up awkwardly on the stage in Newark and attempted to calm the storm over his supposed political loyalties, he spoke wearily, with the ghost of a smile, and pronounced his concise anti-autobiography: "I am not a Communist. I am not a Christian. I am just me."[15]
57. Sam Moskowitz, "Peace and Olaf Stapledon," *FFC*, 267-68. Newark newspapers made no mention of OS's speech, and Moskowitz' detailed but politically unsympathetic narrative is the chief record; I have also used the account "Communists Tour of U.S. Called Off," *Worcester Telegram*, 30 Mar. 1949.
Waking World (1934) ↗ · ¶ 275 · ¶ 284 — quoted passages in context
entirely careless of ourselves, and of mankind, save as instruments of worship. We do not worship it for being in any sense like ourselves, or friendly towards us, but for being itself. We may sometimes have a strong sense that it is alive, and infinitely more alive, more splendidly alive, than we ourselves. It may indeed be so. But how can we possibly know? Probably to say, ‘There is God’, and to say, ‘There is no God’, and again to say, ‘The Whole is a living conscious Whole’, and to say, ‘It is not so’, are all equally false; so unreliable is our thinking. But what matter? In the mood which I am describing we feel, strangely, that whatever is in fact the truth about the universe, that must somehow be the best possible, even if we are too stupid to explain how it can be so. It is important to realize that in this experience, which seems to me the essence of the religious experience, there is, first, direct apprehension of some particular event or situation, great or minute. This objective situation presents itself as having a character to which the appropriate response is worship. But this worshipful character, though given in the particular event, does seem in some sense to be significant of very much more than the particular event. Even if it is not a window through which we see the Whole, it is, or seems to be, a window through which we see far more than the particular perceived or conceived event. But what that ‘more’ really is we cannot say. If the foregoing account is correct, we may say that religion is a mental or spiritual attitude of admiration, or praise, or worship, of a unique beauty and significance which may be discovered in or through any shred of existence, and in the whole of existence experienced by man. It is the ecstatic apprehension of a kind of beauty or rightness which may be called ‘superhuman’, in the sense that it is alien to, and superior to, every human
breed in conduct its very opposite, the emphatic resistance of evil, the will to take part effectively and without capitulation in the endless struggle for the awakening of the spirit in each individual and in the world as a whole, the will to fight for the truly human against the brutish, for life against death, for right against wrong. Let us always remember that these two attitudes of mind, which seem to our half-formed intelligence to be logically in conflict, can in practice be mutually supporting. Ecstatic acceptance, in the depth of one’s own being, demands in the life of action absolute devotion to the cause of the militant spirit. If examples are needed in support of this contention, the lives of Jesus and of Gautama Buddha may be cited as the supreme illustrations of the unity of acceptance and moral action. Nearer our own time we find the philosopher Spinoza exemplifying with strange perfection in his own life the union of courageous moral action and ecstatic acceptance, or, as he called it, ‘the intellectual love of God’. In our modern age the great common goal of all moral action must be, in some sense, revolution, world-revolution. The awakened mind has somehow to achieve at once both acceptance and the zeal of the revolutionary. In so far as a man falls short of acceptance, his zeal becomes fanatical, doctrinaire, callous, blind, and in the last resort inadequate to the needs of world-revolution. In so far as he fails in courage and loyalty to the revolutionary cause, the religious ecstasy of his acceptance is poisoned. This is perhaps a mystery, but it is true. OceanofPDF.com

One standing counter-reading belongs beside this summary, because it is the considered judgment of the biographer who knows the life best. Crossley reads the mature position double: “The agnostic piety Stapledon embraced in his mature years… is both an intricately reasoned proposition and a psychological war wound”; and, “whether considered as philosophy or as autobiography, this calm resignation to, and exultation in, suffering is the single most troubling, and for some readers offensive, motif in his philosophy and fiction.” This analysis has read the lecture as argument; the biography insists it is also symptom — the ambulance orderly’s years among the broken metabolized into an acceptance with doctrine’s shape. The two readings do not exclude one another, and the lecture nearly concedes the second itself (§2.4’s closing caveat: a wish for austere submission may be as wish-laden as a wish for rescue). A reader should hold both.

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 746 — quoted passage in context
The agnostic piety Stapledon embraced in his mature years, his attraction to the mood of eighteenth-century deism as expressed in Alexander Pope's famous epigram "Whatever is, is right," is both an intricately reasoned proposition and a psychological war wound. And whether considered as philosophy or as autobiography, this calm resignation to, and exultation in, suffering is the single most troubling, and for some readers offensive, motif in his philosophy and fiction.[26]

6. The notes as performance: reading the formatting

For the presentation, it is worth knowing how the manuscript encodes delivery:

He spoke, in other words, from a living document that had been through multiple performances or revisions — which is precisely why reconstructing the spoken lecture (the project’s next artifact) is legitimate: the notes are dense enough to determine the argument sentence by sentence, and his published prose supplies the voice.


7. A note on method: the Rosetta stone

One lecture in the archive lets us test the whole enterprise of reconstruction empirically. Stapledon’s notes for “Interplanetary Man” (October 1948, British Interplanetary Society) survive alongside his own published text of the address (Journal of the British Interplanetary Society, 1948). Comparing the two shows exactly how he expanded outline into speech, and it is chastening:

The reconstruction of the Humanism lecture in this project has been calibrated against these findings, and the Interplanetary Man page in the reconstruction set now presents the published text itself beside the notes, as ground truth.

A further stroke of luck: the journal also printed the discussion that followed the 1948 address — including Stapledon’s extempore replies to the audience (and to the young Arthur C. Clarke, who formally opened the discussion; the biography adds that the address — “the most famous and often-reprinted talk he ever gave” — “originated from the invitation of a young man who would shortly become the best-known English science fiction writer of the second half of the century,” and that the evening ran two and a half hours, “in the formal lecture and in a discussion moderated by Clarke”). It is the only known verbatim published record of Stapledon answering questions from a platform. (Earlier editions of this analysis claimed it as the only published record outright; the biography shows the practice was routine and sometimes reported — his wartime Merseyside radio format “In the Witness Box” made him the weekly “witness” who “would have questions fired at him that demanded pointed, knowledgeable, and preferably witty replies,” and Youth and Tomorrow prints his own 1946 account, with dialogue, of fielding challenges at an RAF lecture — but those records are paraphrase or self-report, not transcripts. See ERRATA.md.) Its register confirms the calibration: courteous concession, homely firmness, no flourish — “we must also preserve a sense of humility and piety”; a superior race turning Earth into a reservation “would be the end of humanity, as it would lose the will to live.”

Crossley, Speaking for the Future (1994) ↗ · ¶ 1372 · ¶ 1377 · ¶ 1172 — quoted passages in context
Between local peace rallies and planning for the big international conferences of 1949, Stapledon had little time left over for imaginative work. Among his papers for this period there are false starts, abortive manuscripts, projects sketched but not drafted, and occasional bits accumulated for an untitled “prose-poem” intended to sum up his fully evolved philosophy. The one notable excursion of 1948 into his well-trodden territory where literary, philosophical, d futurist imaginings converge was a lecture. It dealt with pilgrimages on a vaster scale than the ones he was making, and it was the most famous and often-reprinted talk he ever gave. "Interplanetary Man?" originated from the invitation of a young man who would shortly become the best-known English science fiction writer of the second half of the century.
For two and a half hours, in the formal lecture and in a discussion moderated by Clarke, the Interplanetarians who gathered at the Charing Cross Road Art School on Saturday evening, 9 October, heard the quintessential Stapledon. "Interplanetary Man?"—Olaf's typical question mark was usually omitted when his title was cited—received extensive coverage in the world press, but journalists seized on exotic details that could be readily lampooned. A London cartoonist had fun visualizing "homo jovianus," a man reengineered for life on Jupiter as a low-slung quadruped with its head pushed back along the spine, protruding eyes, and a long proboscis ending in sets of fingers. *Time* magazine chortled over the "altitude record" for "high-flying thought" in the prescriptions for colonizing alien planets. A colorful piece in a London review emphasized Stapledon's "romantic glamour" and "whoosh of the imagination," but found his assumptions about the future "mostly morbid."[22]
By mid-1942 the brunt of the war, which had pushed Britain near to collapse the year before, was shifting to other parts of the world, but rotating duties in Caldy's Air Raid Precautions corps and the struggle to extract two tons of potatoes and more cabbage than he could tolerate from the uncongenial acre at Simon's Field continued to define the rhythm of Olaf's war. He was drawn into the fad for "brains trusts"—the combination of information and entertainment made popular in BBC broadcasts in which a question master put sometimes serious, sometimes teasing posers to a panel of amiable and articulate know-it-alls. Olaf became one of the resident brains trustees in Liverpool, where on Monday nights he fielded topics ranging from the charms of the Liverpool accent (he admitted losing his at Abbotsholme) to systematic prejudice against people of color in local housing, recreation, employment, and education. He appeared frequently in a variant on the brains trust format, "In the Witness Box." Each week a single "witness," an expert in some field of knowledge, would have questions fired at him that demanded pointed, knowledgeable, and preferably witty replies; the witness box moved all over Merseyside and Lancashire and was sometimes taken to military bases, including American camps.[33] Between shows his formal lectures to troops, between victory gardening and a renewed effort at political campaigning begun in 1942, literary work often got squeezed out of Olaf's daily routines. But in the last quarter of 1942, *Sirius* once again clamored for attention.
JBIS discussion (1948) ↗ · ¶ 5 · ¶ 15 · ¶ 17 — quoted passages in context
Mr. A. C. CLARKE then formally opened the discussion, commenting first on some technical points. He thought that life — though not intelligent life — might be more common and more varied in the Solar System than generally imagined. Even ignoring the four giant planets (which seemed to be partly gaseous) there were (...) satellites of over a million square miles, and at least two hundred asteroids of over ten thousand square miles area. We had plenty of exploring to do!
In reply, Dr. Stapledon said that though in this time of crisis we must put our own house in order, scientific endeavour must not be too utilitarian, but must always be opening up new frontiers. We must also preserve a sense of humility and piety, (...) lest humanity be guilty of (...) achievement.
If we met a race that nearly matched us in culture, Dr. Stapledon hoped that co-operation would be possible, and that we would not treat it as we had treated the aborigines. On the other hand, if it was superior and turned Earth into a reservation, that would be the end of humanity, as it would lose the will to live. He agreed that we should try to educate other races — as long as we were sure we were educating them up and not down to our level.

Note to the second edition (July 2026). This analysis was revised after a reader’s criticism of its first edition: the register has been tightened where it drifted toward essayistic overstatement, interpretive claims are hedged as such, and §2 now cites its evidence inline — every sheet reference links to that sheet in the scan-beside-transcription deck, and each movement carries a collapsible block embedding the diplomatic transcription of the sheets it discusses. The reconstruction itself now exists in three editions — spare (v1), performing (v2), and source-bounded with marked interpolations (v3) — so that no reading offered here need be taken on trust.

Note to the August 2026 printing. Six texts this analysis had previously quoted at second hand — the lecture’s own bookshelf — were acquired, transcribed where necessary (Otto, Huxley and Bentham are 1,038 pages of vision-model re-transcription from scans), read in full, and integrated: their quotations now resolve and link like everything else. The reading corrected one attribution (the push-pin wording is from Mill’s 1838 “Bentham,” not Utilitarianism — see ERRATA.md), extended §§2.2 and 2.6(b) and the §4 entries where the texts genuinely sharpened or complicated the picture (Otto’s dual structure confirmed in the sheets’ vocabulary, with a channel caveat via Huxley’s excerpts; Russell as inverse twin; Pope’s couplet as a prohibition; Huxley as rival rather than opposite), and left the rest alone.

Second note to the August 2026 printing. A further five context texts were acquired and read: Wordsworth’s Intimations Ode (read against sheet 24’s hedged aside, §2.6(b)); Keats’s soul-making journal-letter of spring 1819 (the source of the Brighton 1949 margin “Vale of Soul-Making (Keats),” now quoted beside it, §3.10); Freud’s The Future of an Illusion in Strachey’s 1961 translation (the sheet-12 duel re-run against Freud’s actual text, §2.4 — the translation is in copyright, so its reader page is an excerpt edition and the full text is held unpublished); Julian Huxley’s 1957 “Transhumanism” (the coinage tagged and read, §4; likewise excerpted); and a Gerald Heard scan supplied as The Ascent of Humanity (1929) that proved, by its own front matter and preface, to be the trilogy’s third book, The Source of Civilization (1935) — held, excerpted, and used for Heard’s own restatement of the Ascent thesis (§3.7); the true 1929 book was acquired in the August 2026 shelf round below, and §3.7 now checks the retrospective against it.

Note to the August 2026 biography pass. Robert Crossley’s Olaf Stapledon: Speaking for the Future (1994) — the standard biography — was acquired, OCR’d from the owner’s page photographs, and read in full against a standing question list. The headline finding is negative and is stated in §1: the biography never mentions the 1934 South Place lecture, which falls in a demonstrable documentary gap in its apparatus; the present reconstruction appears to be the lecture’s first scholarly treatment. The biography also settled the Otto dating (§2.6(b): The Idea of the Holy is on the reading list in the 1933–34 diary), dated Nebula Maker to 1933 (§3.6), documented the Star Maker gestation around the lecture (§3.6), added the 1911 curtain letter and 1913 kinship letter to the genealogy (§3.1), gave the 1946 Conway Hall return its April companion and its November counterpoint (§3.8), sourced the “splendid race” to the Abbotsholme anthem (§3.11), and supplied the Brighton 1949 summation’s contemporary corroboration (§3.10). Four claims in earlier printings were corrected against it — the engagement date, the “doctoral thesis” label for A Modern Theory of Ethics, the troop-lecturing genesis of Beyond the “Isms”, and the “only published record of Q&A” claim — all itemized in ERRATA.md.

Note to the third edition (July 2026). This revision follows three independent audits of the project by different model families (GPT-5.6, Kimi K3, Fable 5), whose findings were adjudicated by the project’s owner and applied here after fresh verification against the manuscript and corpus. The principal corrections: the centerpiece now renders the manuscript’s “& Majesty” as the diagonal insertion it is; cancelled manuscript words are no longer quoted as live text (and one alleged cancellation — “other” on sheet 14 — was instead removed from the transcription after re-inspection of the 72-megapixel capture showed no strike); the “Instrumental to — what?” margin is described as the strike-and-restore it is; media claims (red vs. graphite vs. turquoise) were re-verified against the captures and the transcription’s color tags corrected where wrong (sheets 12 and 27); ages, intervals, speaker attributions and shaved hedges were repaired; §3.9 was reframed from confirmation toward the “institutionalized, doubted, and fictionalized” reading the later corpus supports; and §3.11 (hierarchy, eugenics, empire) was added. Audit claims that failed verification were not applied. The full itemized list is in the project’s ERRATA.md, and the adjudication record in review/FABLE5_ADJUDICATION_AND_FIXES.md.

Note to the August 2026 correction pass. A further external review (three-part, GPT-5.6 Sol), verified claim-by-claim against the sources before application, corrected this document in five places: §3.9 no longer runs the three late positions together into a “fictionalized endpoint” (the Brighton salute to an object left unknown, the practical-fiction floor of The Opening of the Eyes meditations 16–17, and that book’s restored address and commanded action are now kept distinct, matching §3.10’s own finding); §3.9’s completeness language is tiered to the held corpus (three nonfiction titles remain unheld, and recurrence, dependence and analogy are claimed separately); the Conway Hall witness is described at its true remove (a catalogue summary of a published abstract not yet acquired, §1); the Otto channel question is widened (Huxley’s 1927 excerpts carry both poles of the numinous, so second-hand transmission would explain the sheets’ dual structure too, §2.6(b)); and the Freud identification is restated as closest-comparator-possibly-source (sheet 12 names only psycho-analysis, §2.4). Details in ERRATA.md.

Prepared as part of the Humanism and Superhumanism reconstruction project. Sources (all read in full unless noted): the 34-sheet manuscript (ensemble transcription, 2026); Latter-Day Psalms (1914); Talking Across the World: The Love Letters of Olaf Stapledon and Agnes Miller, 1913–1919 (ed. Crossley, 1987); A Modern Theory of Ethics (1929); Last and First Men (1930); Last Men in London (1932); Waking World (1934); Odd John (1935); Nebula Maker (1933, per the dating in Crossley’s biography, pub. 1976 — the abandoned first draft of Star Maker; held for research, published in excerpt); Star Maker (1937); Philosophy and Living (1939, Vols. I–II); Beyond the “Isms” (1942; held for research, published in excerpt); Darkness and the Light (1942); Sirius (1944); Death into Life (1946); Youth and Tomorrow (1946); The Flames (1947); A Man Divided (1950); The Opening of the Eyes (1954, ed. Agnes Z. Stapledon — now held complete; held for research, published in excerpt); the collected short fiction including the 1916 FAU pieces, “Old Man in New World” (1944), “Arms Out of Hand” (1947) and Four Encounters; the complete surviving lecture-notes files, including “Is Humanism Enough?” (1946), “Science and Fiction” (1947), “Interplanetary Man?” and its published text and discussion (JBIS, 1948), and “Personality and the Paranormal” (1949); the rare essays and manuscripts recovered via An Olaf Stapledon Reader (ed. Crossley, 1997) — including “The Splendid Race” (1908), “The Reflections of an Ambulance Orderly” (1916), “Thoughts on the Modern Spirit” (c. 1928), the uncensored “The Remaking of Man” broadcast (1931), “The Core” (1945), “The Peak and the Town,” “Mankind at the Crossroads” (1947), “Letters to the Future,” and meditation 32 of The Opening of the Eyes; Sam Moskowitz, “Olaf Stapledon: The Man Behind the Works” (1979, quoting The Opening of the Eyes, 1954); Robert Crossley, Olaf Stapledon: Speaking for the Future (Syracuse University Press, 1994 — the standard biography; acquired August 2026 from the owner’s page photographs, OCR’d and read in full; in copyright, so held for research and quoted here in excerpt); the Conway Hall Ethical Society catalogue record of the lecture’s contemporary published abstract (Monthly Record, Vol. 40 No. 2, February 1935, pp. 3–4 — record and catalogue abstract held; the full two-page abstract is on request from Conway Hall, not yet held); and, from the lecture’s own bookshelf (all held complete, August 2026): Pope’s An Essay on Man (1733–34), Wordsworth’s “Ode: Intimations of Immortality” (1807), Keats’s journal-letter on the vale of soul-making (21 April 1819, Rollins text), Bentham’s The Rationale of Reward (1825), Mill’s “Bentham” (1838), Russell’s “A Free Man’s Worship” (1903), Otto’s The Idea of the Holy (1917, trans. Harvey 1923), Samuel Alexander’s Space, Time and Deity Vols. I–II (1920), Freud’s The Future of an Illusion (1927, trans. Strachey 1961; held for research, published in excerpt), Julian Huxley’s Religion Without Revelation (1927) and “Transhumanism” (1957; held for research, published in excerpt), Gerald Heard’s The Source of Civilization (1935; held for research, published in excerpt — acquired as, but distinct from, the 1929 Ascent of Humanity) and The Ascent of Humanity itself (1929; acquired August 2026), and the August 2026 shelf read for §4 and §3: Haldane’s Possible Worlds (1927), Whitehead’s Process and Reality (1929), Bernal’s The World, the Flesh and the Devil (1929), Coit’s National Idealism and a State Church (1907), Spiller’s The Ethical Movement in Great Britain (1934; held for research, published in excerpt), Shaw’s Man and Superman (1903) and Back to Methuselah (1921), Bergson’s Creative Evolution (1907, trans. Mitchell 1911), Nietzsche’s Thus Spake Zarathustra (trans. Common), Beresford’s The Hampdenshire Wonder (1911), and Wells’s Men Like Gods (1923) and Star Begotten (1937; held for research, published in excerpt).